[C-NRLF 


Pike's  Peak 

From  a  painting  by  Charles  Craig 


The  Indians 

of  the 

Pike's  Peak  Region 

Including  an  Account  of  the  Battle  of  Sand 

Greek,  and  of  Occurrences  in  El  Paso 

County,  Colorado,  during  the  War 

with  the  Cheyennes  and  Arapa- 

hoes,  in  1864  and  1868 

By 

Irving   Howbert 


Illustrated 


iknicfeerbocfeer  press 

New  York 
1914 


COPYRIGHT,  1914 

BY 
IRVING    HOWBERT 


CONTENTS 

PAGE 

THE  TRIBES  OF  THE  PIKE'S  PEAK  REGION  .  i 
TRAILS,  MINERAL  SPRINGS,  GAME,  ETC.  .  27 
THE  INDIAN  TROUBLES  OF  1864  ...  75 

THE  THIRD  COLORADO  AND  THE  BATTLE  OF 

SAND  CREEK 93 

A  DEFENSE  OF  THE  BATTLE  OF  SAND  CREEK     114 

A  DEFENSE  OF  THE  BATTLE  OF  SAND  CREEK— 

CONTINUED      .          .  ...      147 

THE  INDIAN  WAR  OF  1868    .         .         .         .187 


295714 


ILLUSTRATIONS 


FACING 
PAGE 


PIKE'S  PEAK          .         .         .          Frontispiece 

OURAY .60 

COLONEL  JOHN  M.  Cm VINGTON      .         .         .     117 
GOVERNOR  JOHN  EVANS          ....     123 


INTRODUCTION 

COR  the  most  part  this  book  is  intentionally 
local  in  its  character.  As  its  title  implies, 
it  relates  principally  to  the  Indian  tribes  that  have 
occupied  the  region  around  Pike's  Peak  during 
historic  times. 

The  history,  habits,  and  customs  of  the  Ameri- 
can Indian  have  always  been  interesting  subjects 
to  me.  From  early  childhood,  I  read  everything 
within  my  reach  dealing  with  the  various  tribes 
of  the  United  States  and  Mexico.  In  1860,  when 
I  was  fourteen  years  of  age,  I  crossed  the  plains 
between  the  Missouri  River  and  the  Rocky 
Mountains  twice,  and  again  in  1861,  1865,  and 
1866;  each  time  by  ox-  or  horse- team,  there  being 
no  other  means  of  conveyance.  At  that  time 
there  were  few  railroads  west  of  the  Mississippi 
River  and  none  west  of  the  Missouri.  On  each  of 
these  trips  I  came  more  or  less  into  contact  with 
the  Indians,  and  during  my  residence  in  Colorado 
from  1860  to  the  present  time,  by  observation  and 

vii 


viii  Introduction 

by  study,  I  have  become  more  or  less  familiar 
with  all  the  tribes  of  this  Western  country. 

From  1864  to  1868,  the  Indians  of  the  plains 
were  hostile  to  the  whites;  this  resulted  in  many 
tragic  happenings  in  that  part  of  the  Pike's  Peak 
region  embracing  El  Paso  and  its  adjoining  counties, 
as  well  as  elsewhere  in  the  Territory  of  Colorado. 
I  then  lived  in  Colorado  City,  in  El  Paso  County, 
and  took  an  active  part  in  the  defense  of  the  settle- 
ments during  all  the  Indian  troubles  in  that  section. 
I  mention  these  facts  merely  to  show  that  I  am 
not  unfamiliar  with  the  subject  about  which  I  am 
writing.  My  main  object  in  publishing  this  book 
is  to  make  a  permanent  record  of  the  principal 
events  of  that  time. 

So  far  as  I  know,  the  public  has  never  been  given 
a  detailed  account  of  the  Indian  troubles  in  El 
Paso  County  during  the  years  1864  and  1868. 
At  that  time  there  was  no  newspaper  published  in 
the  county  and  the  few  newspapers  of  the  Terri- 
tory were  small  affairs,  in  which  little  attention 
was  given  to  anything  outside  of  their  immediate 
localities.  The  result  was  that  news  of  tragic 
happenings  in  our  part  of  the  Territory  seldom 
passed  beyond  the  borders  of  our  own  county. 

I  have  thought  best  to  begin  with  a  short 
account  of  the  tribes  occupying  the  Pike's  Peak 


Introduction  ix 

region  prior  to  the  coming  of  the  white  settler, 
adding  to  it  extracts  from  the  descriptions  given 
by  early  explorers,  together  with  an  account  of 
the  game,  trails,  etc.,  of  this  region.  All  these 
facts  will  no  doubt  be  of  interest  to  the  inhabitant 
of  the  present  day,  as  well  as  of  value  to  the  future 
historian. 

I  took  part  in  the  battle  of  Sand  Creek,  and 
in  many  of  the  other  events  which  I  mention. 
Where  I  have  no  personal  knowledge  of  any  par- 
ticular event,  I  have  taken  great  pains  to  obtain 
the  actual  facts  by  a  comparison  of  the  statements 
of  persons  who  I  knew  lived  in  the  locality  at  the 
time.  Consequently,  I  feel  assured  of  the  sub- 
stantial accuracy  of  every  account  I  have  given. 

In  giving  so  much  space  to  a  defense  of  the 
battle  of  Sand  Creek,  I  am  impelled  by  an  earnest 
desire  to  correct  the  false  impression  that  has  gone 
forth  concerning  that  much  maligned  affair. 
Statements  of  prejudiced  and  unreliable  witnesses 
concerning  the  battle  were  sent  broadcast  at  the 
time,  but  except  through  government  reports, 
that  only  few  read,  never  before,  to  my  knowledge, 
has  publicity  been  given  to  the  statement  of  the 
Governor  of  the  Territory,  telling  of  the  conditions 
leading  up  to  the  battle,  or  to  the  sworn  testimony 
of  the  colonel  in  command  at  the  engagement,  or 


x  Introduction 

of  the  officer  in  command  of  the  fort  near  which  it 
was  fought.  That  the  battle  of  Sand  Creek  was 
not  the  reprehensible  affair  which  vindictive 
persons  have  represented  it  to  be,  I  believe  is 
conclusively  proven  by  the  evidence  which  I 

present. 

I.H. 

COLORADO  SPRINGS, 
November  i,  1913. 


The 

Indians  of  the  Pike's  Peak 
Region 


CHAPTER  I 

THE  TRIBES  OF  THE  PIKE'S  PEAK  REGION 

IT  would  be  interesting  to  know  who  were  the 
occupants  of  the  Pike's  Peak  region  during 
prehistoric  times.  Were  its  inhabitants  always 
nomadic  Indians?  We  know  that  semi-civilized 
peoples  inhabited  southwestern  Colorado  and 
New  Mexico  in  prehistoric  times,  who  undoubt- 
edly had  lived  there  ages  before  they  were  driven 
into  cliff  dwellings  and  communal  houses  by  sav- 
age invaders.  Did  their  frontier  settlements  of 
that  period  ever  extend  into  the  Pike's  Peak  re- 
gion? The  facts  concerning  these  matters,  we 
may  never  know.  As  it  is,  the  earliest  definite 


2  '  The  Tribes  of 

information  we  have  concerning  the  occupants  of 
this  region  dates  from  the  Spanish  exploring  ex- 
peditions, but  even  that  is  very  meager.  From 
this  and  other  sources,  we  know  that  a  succession 
of  Indian  tribes  moved  southward  along  the  east- 
ern base  of  the  Rocky  Mountains  during  the  two 
hundred  years  before  the  coming  of  the  white 
settler,  and  that  during  this  period,  the  principal 
tribes  occupying  this  region  were  the  Utes,  Co- 
manches,  Kiowas,  Cheyennes,  Arapahoes,  and 
Sioux;  and,  further,  that  there  were  other  tribes 
such  as  the  Pawnees  and  Jicarilla  Apaches,  who 
frequently  visited  and  hunted  in  this  region. 

The  Jicarilla  Apaches  are  of  the  Athapascan 
stock,  a  widely  distributed  linguistic  family, 
which  includes  among  its  branches  the  Navajos, 
the  Mescalaros  of  New  Mexico,  and  the  Apaches 
of  Arizona.  Notwithstanding  the  fact  that  they 
were  kindred  people,  the  Jicarillas  considered  the 
latter  tribes  their  enemies.  However,  they  always 
maintained  friendly  relations  with  the  Utes,  and 
the  Pueblos  of  northern  New  Mexico,  and  inter- 
marriages between  members  of  these  tribes  were 
of  frequent  occurrence.  The  mother  of  Our  ay, 
the  noted  Ute  chief,  was  a  Jicarilla  Apache. 

From  the  earliest  period,  the  principal  home  of 
the  Jicarilla  Apaches  was  along  the  Rio  Grande 


The  Pike's  Peak  Region  3 

River  in  northern  New  Mexico,  but  in  their  wan- 
derings they  often  went  north  of  the  Arkansas 
River  and  far  out  on  the  plains,  where  they  had  an 
outpost  known  as  the  Quartelejo.  By  reason  of  the 
intimate  relations  existing  between  the  Jicarillas 
and  the  Pueblo  Indians,  this  outpost  was  more  than 
once  used  as  a  place  of  refuge  by  members  of  the 
latter  tribes.  Bancroft,  in  his  history  of  New 
Mexico,  says  that  certain  families  of  Taos  Indians 
went  out  into  the  plains  about  the  middle  of  the 
seventeenth  century  and  fortified  a  place  called 
"Cuartalejo, "  which  undoubtedly  is  but  another 
spelling  of  the  name  Quartelejo.  These  people 
remained  at  Quartelejo  for  many  years,  but  finally 
returned  to  Taos  at  the  solicitation  of  an  agent 
sent  out  by  the  Government  of  New  Mexico. 
In  1704,  the  Picuris,  another  Pueblo  tribe,  whose 
home  was  about  forty  miles  north  of  Sante  Fe, 
abandoned  their  village  in  a  body  and  fled  to 
Quartelejo,  but  they  also  returned  to  New  Mexico 
two  years  later.  Quartelejo  is  frequently  men- 
tioned in  the  history  of  New  Mexico,  and  its 
location  is  described  as  being  130  leagues  north- 
east of  Santa  Fe.  In  recent  years  the  ruin  of  a 
typical  Pueblo  structure  has  been  unearthed  on 
Beaver  Creek  in  Scott  County,  Kansas,  about  two 
hundred  miles  east  of  Colorado  Springs,  which,  in 


4  The  Tribes  of 

direction  and  distance  from  Santa  Fe,  coincides 
with  the  description  given  of  Quart ele jo,  and  is 
generally  believed  to  be  that  place. 

Aside  from  the  Jicarilla  Apaches,  the  Utes, 
living  in  the  mountainous  portion  of  the  region 
now  included  in  the  State  of  Colorado,  were  the 
earliest  occupants  of  whom  there  is  any  historical 
account.  They  were  mentioned  in  the  Spanish 
records  of  New  Mexico  as  already  inhabiting  the 
region  to  the  north  of  that  Territory  in  the  early 
part  of  the  seventeenth  century.  At  that  time, 
and  for  many  years  afterward,  they  were  on  peace- 
able terms  with  the  Spanish  settlers  of  New  Mexico. 
About  1705,  however,  something  occurred  to  dis- 
turb their  friendly  relations,  and  a  war  resulted 
which  lasted  fifteen  to  twenty  years,  during  which 
time  many  people  were  killed,  numerous  ranches 
were  plundered,  and  many  horses  stolen.  Al- 
though the  Utes  already  owned  many  horses,  it  is 
said  that  in  these  raids  they  acquired  so  many 
more  that  they  were  able  to  mount  their  entire 
tribe.  During  that  time  various  military  expedi- 
tions were  sent  against  the  Utes  as  well  as  against 
the  Comanches,  who  had  first  appeared  in  New 
Mexico  in  1716.  In  1719,  the  Governor  of  New 
Mexico  led  a  military  force,  consisting  of  105 
Spaniards  and  a  large  number  of  Indian  auxiliaries, 


The  Pike's  Peak  Region  5 

into  the  region  which  is  now  the  State  of  Colorado, 
against  the  hostile  bands.  The  record  of  the  expe- 
dition says  that  it  left  Santa  Fe  on  September  I5th 
and  marched  north,  with  the  mountains  on  the 
left,  until  October  loth.  In  this  twenty-five  days' 
march  the  expedition  should  have  gone  far  beyond 
the  place  where  Colorado  Springs  now  stands. 
Although  the  expedition  failed  to  overtake  the 
Indians,  the  latter  ceased  their  raids  for  a  time, 
but  their  subsequent  outbreaks  showed  that  their 
friendship  for  the  New  Mexican  people  could  not 
be  entirely  depended  upon,  although  they  mingled 
with  them  to  such  an  extent  that  a  large  portion  of 
the  tribe  acquired  a  fair  knowledge  of  the  Spanish 
language. 

The  Utes  were  an  offshoot  of  the  Shoshone 
family,  the  branches  of  which  have  been  widely 
distributed  over  the  Rocky  Mountain  region 
from  the  Canadian  line  south  into  Mexico.  It 
is  now  generally  conceded  that  the  Aztecs  of 
Mexico  and  the  Utes  belong  to  the  same  linguistic 
family.  It  is  probable  that  in  the  march  of  the 
former  toward  the  south,  many  centuries  ago,  the 
Utes  were  left  behind,  remaining  in  their  savage 
state,  while  the  Aztecs,  coming  in  contact  with  the 
semi-civilized  nations  of  the  South,  gradually 
reached  the  state  of  culture  which  they  had 


6  The  Tribes  of 

attained  at  the  time  of  the  conquest  of  Mexico 
by  the  Spaniards.  I  am  firmly  of  the  opinion  that 
these  Indians,  and  in  fact  all  the  Indians  of 
America,  are  descendants  of  Asiatic  tribes  that 
crossed  over  to  this  continent  by  way  of  Bering 
Strait  at  some  remote  period.  These  tribes  may, 
however,  have  been  added  to  at  various  times  by 
chance  migrations  from  Japan,  the  Hawaiian  and 
South  vSea  islands.  It  is  known  that  in  historic 
times  the  Japanese  current  has  thrown  upon  the 
Pacific  Coast  fishing-boats,  laden  with  Japanese 
people,  which  had  drifted  helplessly  across  the 
Pacific  Ocean.  It  is,  therefore,  fair  to  assume 
that  what  is  known  to  have  occurred  in  recent 
times  might  also  have  frequently  occurred  in  the 
remote  past,  and  if  this  be  so,  the  intermarriage 
of  these  people  with  the  native  races  would  un- 
doubtedly have  had  a  decided  influence  upon  the 
tribes  adjacent  to  the  Pacific  Coast.  There  seems 
to  be  no  reason  why  the  people  of  the  Hawaiian 
Islands  should  not  have  visited  our  shores,  as  those 
islands  are  not  much  farther  distant  from  the 
Pacific  Coast  than  are  certain  inhabited  islands  in 
other  directions.  These  same  conclusions  have 
been  reached  by  many  others  who  have  made  a 
study  of  the  question. 

The   National  Geographic  Magazine  of  April, 


The  Pike's  Peak  Region  7 

1910,  contained  an  article  written  by  Miss  Scid- 
more  on  "Mukden,  the  Manchu  Home,"  in  which 
she  says: 

When  I  saw  the  Viceroy  and  his  suite  at  a  Japanese 
f£te  at  Tairen,  whither  he  had  gone  to  pay  a  state  visit, 
I  was  convinced  as  never  before  of  the  common  origin 
of  the  North  American  Indian  and  .the  Chinese  or 
Manchu  Tartars.  There  before  me  might  as  well  have 
been  Red  Cloud,  Sitting  Bull,  and  Rain-in-the-Face, 
dressed  in  blue  satin  blankets,  thick-soled  moccasins, 
and  squat  war-bonnets  with  single  bunches  of  feathers 
shooting  back  from  the  crown.  Manchu  eyes,  Tartar 
cheek-bones,  and  Mongol  jaws  were  combined  in 
countenances  that  any  Sioux  chief  would  recognize 
as  a  brother. 

The  Ute  Indians  were  well-built,  but  not  nearly 
as  tall  as  the  Sioux,  Cheyennes,  Arapahoes,  or 
any  of  the  tribes  of  the  plains.  Their  type  of 
countenance  was  substantially  the  same  as  that 
of  all  American  Indians.  They  were  distinctly 
mountain  Indians,  and  that  they  should  have 
been  a  shorter  race  than  those  of  the  plains  to  the 
east  is  peculiar,  as  it  reverses  the  usual  rule. 
Might  not  this  have  been  the  result  of  an  infusion 
of  Japanese  blood  in  the  early  days  of  the  Sho- 
shones  when  their  numbers  were  small?  And 
possibly  from  this  same  source  came  the  unusual 
ability  of  the  Utes  in  warfare. 


8  The  Tribes  of 

As  Indians  go,  the  Utes  were  a  fairly  intelligent 
people.  They  had  a  less  vicious  look  than  the 
Indians  of  the  plains,  and  as  far  as  my  observation 
goes,  they  were  not  so  cruel.  They  ranged  over 
the  mountainous  region  from  the  northern  boun- 
daries of  the  present  State  of  Colorado,  down  as 
far  as  the  central  part  of  New  Mexico.  Their 
favorite  camping-place,  however,  was  in  the  beauti- 
ful valleys  of  the  South  Park,  and  other  places  in 
the  region  west  of  Pike's  Peak.  The  South  Park 
was  known  to  the  old  trappers  and  hunters  as  the 
Bayou  Salado,  probably  deriving  its  name  from 
the  salt  marshes  and  springs  that  were  abundant 
in  the  western  part  of  that  locality. 

Game  was  to  be  found  in  greater  abundance  in 
the  South  Park  and  the  country  round  about 
than  in  almost  any  other  region  of  the  Rocky 
Mountains,  and  for  that  reason  its  possession  was 
contended  for  most  strenuously  year  after  year 
by  all  the  tribes  of  the  surrounding  country.  For 
a  time  in  the  summer  season,  the  Utes  were 
frequently  driven  away  from  this  favorite  region 
by  the  tribes  of  the  plains  who  congregated  in  the 
South  Park  in  great  numbers  as  soon  as  the  heat 
of  the  plains  became  uncomfortable.  However, 
the  Utes  seldom  failed  to  retain  possession  during 
most  of  the  year,  as  they  were  remarkably  good 


The  Pike's  Peak  Region  9 

fighters  and  more  than  able  to  hold  their  own 
against  equal  numbers. 

In  point  of  time,  the  Comanches  were  the  next 
tribe  of  which  we  have  any  record,  as  inhabiting 
this  region.  These  Indians  also  were  a  branch  of 
the  Shoshone  nation.  They  led  the  procession  of 
tribes  that  moved  southward  along  the  eastern 
base  of  the  Rocky  Mountains  during  the  seven- 
teenth and  the  first  half  of  the  eighteenth  centuries. 
When  first  heard  of,  they  were  occupying  the 
territory  where  the  Missouri  River  emerges  from 
the  Rocky  Mountains.  Later,  they  were  driven 
south  by  the  pressure  of  the  Sioux  Indians  and 
other  tribes  coming  in  from  the  north  and  east. 
For  a  while  they  occupied  the  Black  Hills,  and 
then  were  pushed  still  farther  south  by  the  Kiowas. 
They  joined  their  kinsmen  the  Utes  in  raids  upon 
the  settlements  of  New  Mexico  in  1716,  and  it  was 
to  punish  the  Comanches  as  well  as  the  Utes,  that 
the  Governor  of  New  Mexico,  in  1719,  led  the 
military  expedition  into  the  country  now  within 
the  boundaries  of  Colorado.  In  1 724,  Bourgemont , 
a  French  explorer  mentions  them  under  the 
name  of  the  Padouca,  as  located  between  the 
headwaters  of  the  Platte  and  Kansas  rivers, 
but  later  accounts  show  that  before  the  end  of 
that  century  they  had  been  pushed  south  of  the 


io  The  Tribes  of 

Arkansas  River  by  the  pressure  of  the  tribes  to 
the  north. 

During  the  stay  of  the  Comanches  in  this 
region,  they  were  for  a  time  friendly  with  the  Utes, 
and  the  two  tribes  joined  each  other  in  warfare  and 
roamed  over  much  of  the  same  territory,  but  later, 
for  some  unknown  reason,  they  for  a  time  engaged 
in  a  deadly  warfare.  The  old  legend  of  the 
Manitou  Springs  mentions  the  possible  beginning 
of  the  trouble.  The  incident  around  which  the 
legend  is  woven,  may  be  an  imaginary  one,  but  it 
is  a  well-known  fact  that  long  and  bitter  wars 
between  tribes  resulted  from  slighter  causes.  It 
is  said  that  a  long  war  between  the  Delawares 
and  Shawnees  originated  in  a  quarrel  between 
two  children  over  a  grasshopper. 

The  Comanches  were  a  nation  of  daring  warriors, 
and  after  their  removal  to  the  south  of  the  Arkan- 
sas River,  they  became  a  great  scourge  to  the 
settlements  of  Texas  and  New  Mexico,  finally 
extending  their  raids  as  far  as  Chihuahua,  in 
Mexico.  As  a  result  of  these  operations,  they 
became  rich  in  horses  and  plunder  obtained  in 
their  raids,  besides  securing  as  captives  many 
American  and  Spanish  women  and  children.  One 
of  their  most  noted  chiefs  in  after  days  was  the  son 
of  a  white  woman  who  had  been  captured  in  Texas 


The  Pike's  Peak  Region  n 

in  her  childhood,  and  who,  when  grown,  had 
married  a  Comanche  chief.  The  Government 
arranged  for  the  release  of  both  the  American  and 
Spanish  captives,  but  in  more  than  one  instance 
women  who  had  been  captured  in  their  younger 
days  refused  to  leave  their  Comanche  husbands, 
notwithstanding  the  strongest  urging  on  the  part 
of  their  own  parents. 

Following  the  Comanches  came  the  Kiowas,  a 
tribe  of  unknown  origin,  as  their  language  seems 
to  have  no  similarity  to  that  of  any  of  the  other 
tribes  of  this  country.  According  to  their  mythol- 
ogy, their  first  progenitors  emerged  from  a  hollow 
cottonwood  log,  at  the  bidding  of  a  supernatural 
ancestor.  They  came  out  one  at  a  time  as  he 
tapped  upon  the  log,  until  it  came  to  the  turn  of  a 
fleshy  woman,  who  stuck  fast  in  the  hole,  and  thus 
blocked  the  way  for  those  behind  her,  so  that 
they  were  unable  to  follow.  This,  *  they  say,  ac- 
counts for  the  small  number  of  the  Kiowa  tribe. 

The  first  mention  of  this  tribe  locates  them  at  the 
extreme  sources  of  the  Yellowstone  and  Missouri 
rivers,  in  what  is  now  central  Montana.  Later, 
by  permission  of  the  Crow  Indians,  they  took  up 
their  residence  east  of  that  tribe  and  became  allied 
with  them.  Up  to  this  time  they  possessed  no 
horses  and  in  moving  about  had  to  depend  solely 


12  The  Tribes  of 

upon  dogs.  They  finally  drifted  out  upon  the 
plains;  here  they  first  procured  horses,  and  came 
in  contact  with  the  Arapahoes,  Cheyennes,  and, 
later,  with  the  Sioux.  The  tribe  probably  secured 
horses  by  raids  upon  the  Spaniards  of  New  Mexico, 
as  the  authorities  of  that  Territory  mention  the 
Kiowas  as  early  as  1748,  while  the  latter  were  still 
living  in  the  Black  Hills.  It  may  not  be  generally 
known  that  there  were  no  horses  upon  the  American 
continent  prior  to  the  coming  of  the  Spaniards. 
The  first  horses  acquired  by  the  Indians  were  those 
lost  or  abandoned  by  the  early  exploring  expedi- 
tions, and  these  were  added  to  later  by  raids  upon 
the  Spanish  settlements  of  New  Mexico.  The 
natural  increase  of  the  horses  so  obtained  gave  the 
Indians,  in  many  cases,  a  number  in  excess  of  their 
needs.  Previous  to  acquiring  horses,  the  Indians 
used  dogs  in  moving  their  belongings  around  the 
country.  As  compared  with  their  swift  move- 
ments of  later  days  this  slow  method  of  transporta- 
tion very  materially  limited  their  migrations. 

By  the  end  of  that  century,  the  Kiowas  had 
drifted  south  into  the  region  embraced  by  the 
present  State  of  Colorado,  probably  being  forced 
to  do  so  by  the  pressure  of  the  Sioux,  Cheyennes, 
and  Arapahoes,  who  were  at  that  time  advancing 
from  the  north  and  east.  As  the  Kiowas  advanced 


The  Pike's  Peak  Region  13 

southward,  they  encountered  the  Comanches; 
this  resulted  in  warfare  that  lasted  many  years,  in 
the  course  of  which  the  Comanches  were  gradually 
driven  south  of  the  Arkansas  River.  When, 
finally,  the  war  was  terminated,  an  alliance  was 
effected  between  the  two  tribes,  which  thereafter 
remained  unbroken.  In  1806,  the  Kiowas  were 
occupying  the  country  along  the  eastern  base  of 
the  mountains  of  the  Pike's  Peak  region.  From 
Lieut.  Zebulon  Pike's  narrative,  we  learn  that 
James  Pursley,  who,  according  to  Lieutenant 
Pike,  was  the  first  American  to  penetrate  the 
immense  wilds  of  Louisiana,  spent  a  trading  season 
with  the  Kiowas  and  Comanches  in  1802  and  1803. 
He  remained  with  them  until  the  next  spring, 
when  the  Sioux  drove  them  from  the  plains  into 
the  mountains  at  the  head  of  the  Platte  and  Arkan- 
sas rivers.  In  all  probability  their  retreat  into  the 
mountains  was  through  Ute  Pass,  as  that  was  the 
most  accessible  route.  In  the  same  statement 
Lieutenant  Pike  mentions  Pursley 's  claim  to 
having  found  gold  on  the  headwaters  of  the  Platte 
River.  By  the  year  1815,  most  of  the  Kiowas  had 
been  pushed  south  of  the  Arkansas  River  by  the 
Cheyennes  and  Arapahoes,  but  not  until  1840  did 
they  finally  give  up  fighting  for  the  possession  of 
this  region. 


14  The  Tribes  of 

The  Cheyennes  and  Arapahoes  were  of  the  Al- 
gonquin linguistic  family,  whose  original  home  was 
in  the  New  England  States  and  southern  Canada. 
When  first  heard  of,  about  1750,  the  Cheyennes 
were  located  in  northern  Minnesota.  Later, 
about  1790,  they  were  living  on  the  Missouri,  near 
the  mouth  of  the  Cheyenne  River.  Subsequently 
they  moved  west  into  the  Black  Hills,  being  forced 
to  do  so  by  the  enmity  of  the  Sioux.  Here  they 
were  joined  by  the  Arapahoes,  a  tribe  of  the  same 
Algonquin  stock,  and  from  that  time  on  the  two 
tribes  were  bound  together  in  the  closest  relations. 

Beginning  about  1800,  these  two  federated 
tribes,  accompanied  by  some  of  the  Sioux,  with 
whom  they  had  made  peace,  gradually  moved 
southward  along  the  eastern  base  of  the  Rocky 
Mountains.  Dr.  James,  the  historian  of  Long's 
expedition  which  visited  the  Pike's  Peak  region 
in  1820,  mentions  the  fact  that  about  four 
years  previous  there  had  been  a  large  encamp- 
ment of  Indians  on  a  stream  near  Platte  Canon, 
southwest  of  Denver,  which  had  assembled  for 
trading  purposes.  It  appears  that  the  Cheyennes 
had  been  supplied  with  goods  by  British  traders 
on  the  Missouri  River,  and  had  met  to  exchange 
these  goods  for  horses.  The  tribes  dwelling  on 
the  fertile  plains  of  the  Arkansas  and  Red  rivers 


The  Pike's  Peak  Region  15 

always  had  a  great  number  of  horses,  which 
they  reared  with  much  less  difficulty  than  did  the 
Cheyennes,  who  usually  spent  the  winter  in  the 
country  farther  to  the  north,  where  the  cold 
weather  lasted  much  longer  and  feed  was  less 
abundant.  After  many  years  of  warfare  with  the 
Kiowas,  the  Cheyennes  and  Arapahoes  were  vic- 
torious, and  by  a  treaty,  made  in  1840,  secured 
undisputed  possession  of  the  territory  north  of  the 
Arkansas  River  and  east  of  the  mountains.  As 
this  was  only  eighteen  years  before  the  coming  of 
the  whites,  the  Cheyennes  and  Arapahoes  could  not 
rightfully  claim  this  region  as  their  ancestral  home. 
The  country  acquired  by  the  Cheyennes  and 
Arapahoes,  through  their  victory  over  the  Kiowas, 
embraced  a  territory  of  more  than  eighty  thousand 
square  miles.  As  in  those  two  tribes  there  were 
never  more  than  five  thousand  men,  women,  and 
children,  all  told,  the  area  was  out  of  all  proportion 
to  their  numbers. 

Early  in  1861,  the  Government  made  a  treaty 
with  the  Cheyennes  and  Arapahoes  by  which 
these  tribes  gave  up  the  greater  part  of  the  lands 
claimed  by  them  in  the  new  Territory  of  Colorado. 
For  this  they  were  to  receive  a  consideration  of 
four  hundred  and  fifty  thousand  dollars,  to  be 
paid  in  fifteen  yearly  installments,  the  tribes 


1 6  The  Tribes  of 

reserving  for  their  own  use  a  tract  about  seventy 
miles  square  located  on  both  sides  of  the  Arkansas 
River  in  the  southeastern  part  of  the  Territory. 

From  the  time  of  their  first  contact  with  the 
whites,  the  Cheyennes  and  Arapahoes  were 
alternately  friendly  or  hostile,  just  as  their  temper 
or  whim  dictated  upon  any  particular  occasion. 
With  the  old  trappers  and  hunters  of  the  plains, 
the  Cheyennes  had  the  reputation  of  being  the 
most  treacherous  and  untrustworthy  at  all  times 
and  in  all  places,  of  any  of  the  tribes  of  the  West. 
The  Arapahoes,  while  occasionally  committing 
depredations  against  the  whites,  were  said  to  be 
somewhat  different  in  temperament,  in  that  they 
were  not  so  sullen  and  morose  as  the  Cheyennes, 
and  were  less  treacherous  and  more  open  and 
trustworthy  in  their  dealings.  This  estimate  of 
the  characteristics  of  the  two  tribes  was  fully 
confirmed  in  our  contact  with  them  in  the  early 
days  of  Colorado. 

The  Cheyennes  were  continuously  hostile  during 
the  years  1855, 1856,  and  1857,  killing  many  whites 
and  robbing  numerous  wagon-trains  along  the 
Platte  River,  which  at  that  time  was  the  great 
thoroughfare  for  travelers  to  Utah,  California, 
Oregon,  and  other  regions  to  the  west  of  the  Rocky 
Mountains.  In  1 857 ,  the  Cheyennes  were  severely 


The  Pike's  Peak  Region  17 

punished  in  a  number  of  engagements  by  troops 
under  command  of  Colonel  E.  V.  Sumner  of  the 
regular  army,  and  as  a  result,  they  gave  little 
trouble  during  the  next  five  or  six  years. 

In  the  early  days,  the  Arapahoes  came  in  touch 
with  the  whites  to  a  much  greater  extent  than 
did  the  Cheyennes.  The  members  of  the  latter 
tribe  usually  held  aloof,  and  by  their  manner 
plainly  expressed  hatred  of  the  white  race.  Horace 
Greeley,  in  his  book  describing  his  trip  across  the 
plains  to  California  in  1859,  tells  of  a  large  body  of 
Arapahoes  who  were  encamped  on  the  outskirts  of 
Denver  in  June  of  that  year,  because  of  the  protec- 
tion they  thought  it  gave  them  from  their  enemies 
the  Utes.  I  saw  this  band  when  I  passed  through 
Denver  in  June  of  the  following  year. 

The  Sioux  were  one  of  the  largest  Indian  nations 
upon  the  American  continent.  So  far  as  is  known, 
their  original  home  was  upon  the  Atlantic  Coast 
in  North  Carolina,  but  by  the  time  Europeans 
began  to  settle  in  that  section  they  had  drifted 
into  the  Western  country.  Their  first  contact 
with  the  white  race  occurred  in  the  upper  Missis- 
sippi region.  These  white  people  were  the  French 
explorers  who  had  penetrated  into  almost  every 
part  of  the  interior  long  before  the  English  had 
made  any  serious  attempt  at  the  exploration  of 


1 8  The  Tribes  of 

the  wilderness  west  of  the  Allegheny  Mountains. 
The  friendly  relations  between  the  French  and  the 
Sioux  continued  for  many  years,  but  when  the 
French  were  finally  supplanted  by  the  English  in 
most  localities,  the  Sioux  made  an  alliance  with 
the  latter  which  was  maintained  during  the  Rev- 
olutionary War,  and  continued  until  after  the 
War  of  1812.  Subsequent  to  the  year  1812,  the 
Sioux  gradually  drifted  still  farther  westward,  and 
not  many  years  later  their  principal  home  was 
upon  the  upper  Missouri  River.  The  recognized 
southern  boundary  of  their  country  was  the  North 
Platte  River,  but  on  account  of  their  friendly  rela- 
tions with  the  Cheyennes  and  Arapahoes,  the 
Sioux  often  wandered  along  the  base  of  the  moun- 
tains as  far  as  the  Arkansas  River,  and,  being  at 
enmity  with  the  Utes,  they  frequently  joined  the 
Cheyennes  and  Arapahoes  in  raids  upon  their 
common  enemy. 

While  the  Pawnees  seldom  spent  much  time  in 
this  region,  they  often  came  to  the  mountains  in 
raids  upon  their  enemies  the  Sioux,  Cheyennes, 
Arapahoes,  and  Kiowas  and  upon  horse-stealing 
expeditions.  The  Pawnees  were  members  of  the 
Caddoan  family,  whose  original  home  was  in  the 
South.  In  this  they  were  exceptional,  since  almost 
every  other  tribe  in  this  Western  country  came 


The  Pike's  Peak  Region  19 

from  the  north  or  east.  From  time  immemorial 
their  principal  villages  were  located  on  the  Loup 
Fork  of  the  Platte  River  and  on  the  headwaters 
of  the  Republican  River,  about  three  hundred 
miles  east  of  the  Rocky  Mountains.  The  Paw- 
nees were  a  warlike  tribe  and  extended  their  raids 
over  a  very  wide  stretch  of  country,  at  times 
reaching  as  far  as  New  Mexico.  They  carried  on 
a  bitter  warfare  with  the  Sioux,  Cheyennes,  and 
Arapahoes,  and  at  times  were  engaged  in  warfare 
with  almost  every  one  of  the  surrounding  tribes. 
They  were  a  courageous  people,  and  were  generally 
victorious,  where  the  numbers  engaged  were  at 
all  nearly  equal.  The  Spaniards  of  New  Mexico 
became  acquainted  with  this  tribe  as  early  as  1693, 
and  made  strenuous  efforts  to  maintain  friendly 
relations  with  them;  with  few  exceptions  these 
efforts  were  successful. 

In  1720,  the  Spanish  authorities  of  New  Mexico 
learned  that  French  traders  had  established  trad- 
ing stations  in  the  Pawnee  country,  and  were 
furnishing  the  Indians  with  firearms.  This  news 
greatly  disturbed  the  Spaniards  and  resulted  in  a 
military  expedition  being  organized  at  Santa  Fe, 
to  visit  the  principal  villages  of  the  Pawnees  for 
the  purpose  of  impressing  that  tribe  with  the 
strength  of  the  Spanish  Government,  and  thus  to 


20  The  Tribes  of 

counteract  the  influence  of  the  French.  The 
expedition  started  from  Santa  Fe  in  June  of  that 
year.  It  was  under  the  command  of  Lieutenant- 
Colonel  Villazur,  of  the  Spanish  regular  army,  and 
was  composed  of  fifty  armed  Spaniards,  together 
with  a  large  number  of  Jicarilla  Apache  Indians 
as  auxiliaries,  making  the  expedition  an  imposing 
one  for  the  times.  The  route  taken,  as  nearly  as  I 
can  determine  from  the  description  given  in  Ban- 
croft's history  of  New  Mexico,  was  northerly 
along  the  eastern  base  of  the  mountains,  passing 
not  very  far  from  where  Colorado  Springs  is  now 
located.  After  reaching  the  Platte  River,  at  no 
great  distance  east  of  the  mountains,  the  expedi- 
tion proceeded  down  the  valley  of  that  stream 
until  it  came  in  contact  with  the  Pawnees,  but 
before  a  council  could  be  held,  the  latter  surprised 
the  Spaniards,  killed  the  commanding  officer,  and 
in  the  fight  that  ensued  almost  annihilated  the 
party.  The  surviving  half-dozen  soldiers,  who 
were  mounted,  saved  themselves  by  flight.  Not 
yet  having  acquired  horses,  the  Pawnees  could  not 
pursue  them.  These  survivors,  after  untold  hard- 
ships, reached  Santa  Fe  a  month  or  two  later  to 
tell  the  tale.  Another  instance  of  a  Spanish 
force  visiting  the  Pawnees  occurred  in  1806. 
When  Lieutenant  Pike  on  his  exploring  tour  visited 


The  Pike's  Peak  Region  21 

the  Pawnees  on  the  Republican  River  in  Septem- 
ber of  that  year,  he  found  that  a  Spanish  military 
force  had  been  there  just  ahead  of  him.  This 
force  had  been  dispatched  from  Santa  Fe  to  pre- 
vent him  from  exploring  the  country  north  of  the 
Arkansas  River,  to  which  the  Spanish  Government 
insistently  laid  claim.  However,  the  expedition 
failed  of  its  purpose,  inasmuch  as  it  marched 
back  up  the  Arkansas  River  to  the  mountains, 
and  returned  to  Santa  Fe  without  having  seen  or 
heard  of  Lieutenant  Pike. 

When  Colonel  Long  on  his  exploring  expedition 
visited  this  tribe  in  1819,  he  found  the  Pawnees 
mourning  the  loss  of  a  large  number  of  their  war- 
riors who  had  been  killed  in  an  encounter  with  the 
Cheyennes  and  Arapahoes  in  the  region  adjacent  to 
the  Rocky  Mountains.  It  seems  that  ninety-three 
warriors  left  their  camp  on  the  Republican  River 
and  proceeded  on  foot  to  the  mountains  on  a  horse- 
stealing  expedition.  The  party  finally  reached  a 
point  on  the  south  side  of  the  Arkansas  River, 
having  up  to  that  time  accomplished  nothing. 
Here  they  were  discovered  and  attacked  by  a 
large  band  of  Cheyennes  and  Arapahoes.  During 
the  fight  that  followed,  over  fifty  of  the  Pawnees 
were  killed;  but  the  attacking  party  suffered  so 
severely  that  after  the  fighting  had  continued  for  a 


22  The  Tribes  of 

day  or  more,  they  were  glad  to  allow  the  surviving 
Pawnees,  numbering  about  forty,  to  escape.  Most 
of  the  latter  were  wounded  and  it  was  with  diffi- 
culty that  they  succeeded  in  reaching  their 
homes. 

All  the  tribes  that  I  have  mentioned  were 
purely  nomadic,  and,  aside  from  the  Pawnees, 
depended  entirely  upon  game  for  a  living. 

The  Pawnees  were  the  only  tribe  that  engaged 
in  agriculture.  Their  summer  camps  were 
generally  located  at  some  favorable  spot  for 
growing  corn,  beans,  pumpkins,  and  other  vege- 
tables. They  usually  remained  at  such  place 
until  their  crops  were  harvested,  when  they  made 
large  excavations  in  the  ground  in  which  they 
stored  their  grain  and  vegetables  for  future  use. 
After  covering  the  excavation  they  carefully 
obliterated  all  evidence  of  it,  in  order  to  prevent 
discovery.  They  would  then  go  off  on  hunting 
expeditions,  returning  later  in  the  winter  to  enjoy 
the  fruits  of  the  summer's  toil  of  their  squaws— 
for  the  warrior  never  degraded  himself  by  doing 
any  labor  which  the  squaw  could  perform.  Their 
habitations,  when  staying  any  length  of  time  in 
one  locality,  were  made  of  poles,  brush,  grass,  and 
earth,  and  were  more  durable  structures  than  the 
lodges  used  by  the  other  tribes  of  the  plains. 


The  Pike's  Peak  Region  23 

The  Utes,  Comanches,  Kiowas,  Sioux,  Chey- 
ennes,  and  Arapahoes  used  the  conical  wigwam, 
which  was  easily  erected  and  quickly  taken  down. 
The  conical  wigwam  consisted  of  a  framework  of 
small  pine  poles  about  two  and  one-half  inches  in 
diameter  and  twenty  feet  in  length.  In  its  erec- 
tion, three  poles  were  tied  together  about  two  or 
three  feet  from  the  smaller  end;  the  three  poles 
were  then  set  up,  their  bases  forming  a  triangle 
sufficiently  far  apart  to  permit  of  a  lodge  about 
twenty  feet  in  diameter.  The  remaining  sixteen 
to  eighteen  poles  used  were  then  placed  in  position 
to  form  a  circle,  their  bases  about  four  feet  apart 
and  their  tops  resting  in  the  fork  of  the  three 
original  poles.  Among  the  plains  Indians,  where 
buffalo  were  plentiful,  the  covering  for  this  frame- 
work consisted  of  buffalo  skins  which  had  been 
tanned  and  sewed  together  by  the  squaws.  It 
was  so  shaped  that  a  flap  could  be  thrown  back 
at  the  top,  leaving  an  opening  through  which  the 
smoke  could  escape,  and  another  at  the  bottom 
for  use  as  a  door.  The  bottom  of  this  covering 
was  secured  by  fastening  it  to  small  stakes  driven 
into  the  ground.  All  of  the  bedding,  buffalo 
robes,  and  other  belongings  of  the  Indians  were 
taken  into  the  wigwam  and  piled  around  the  sides ; 
a  small  hole  was  then  dug  in  the  center  of  the 


24  The  Tribes  of 

earthern  floor,  in  which  the  fire  was  built.  In 
taking  down  the  tents,  preparatory  to  moving 
about  the  country,  the  squaws  removed  the 
covering  from  the  framework,  and  folded  it  into 
a  compact  bundle;  they  took  the  poles  down  and 
laid  them  in  two  parallel  piles  three  or  four  feet 
apart,  and  then  led  a  pony  in  between  them.  The 
upper  end  of  each  pile  was  fastened  to  the  pack- 
saddle,  leaving  the  other  end  to  drag  upon  the 
ground.  Just  back  of  the  pony's  tail  the  covering 
of  the  tent  was  fastened  to  the  two  sets  of  poles, 
on  top  of  which  the  babies  and  small  children 
were  placed.  In  this  way  the  Indians  moved 
their  camps  from  place  to  place.  The  squaws 
did  all  the  work  of  making  these  tent  cover- 
ings, procuring  the  poles,  setting  up  the  tents, 
and  taking  them  down.  The  warrior  never 
lifted  his  hand  to  help,  as  it  was  beneath  the 
dignity  of  a  warrior  to  do  any  kind  of  manual 
labor. 

Among  the  favorite  camping-places  of  the 
Indians  in  El  Paso  County,  Colorado,  the  region 
extending  along  the  west  side  of  Cheyenne  Creek 
just  above  its  mouth  was  probably  used  most  fre- 
quently. There  were  evidences  of  other  camping 
places  at  different  points  farther  up  the  creek, 
that  had  been  used  to  a  lesser  extent.  Their  tent- 


The  Pike's  Peak  Region  25 

poles,  in  being  dragged  over  the  country,  rapidly 
wore  out,  and  for  that  reason  the  Indians  of  the 
plains  found  it  necessary  to  come  to  the  moun- 
tains every  year  or  two  to  get  a  new  supply.  The 
thousands  of  small  stumps  that  were  to  be  seen  on 
the  side  of  Cheyenne  Mountain  at  the  time  of  the 
first  settlement  of  this  region  gave  evidence  that 
many  Indians  had  secured  new  lodge  poles  in  that 
locality.  It  is  probable  that  this  was  the  reason 
why  their  tents  were  so  often  pitched  in  the 
valley  of  Cheyenne  Creek,  and  undoubtedly  this 
is  the  origin  of  the  name  by  which  the  creek  is 
now  known. 

On  account  of  its  close  tproximity  to  the  country 
of  the  Utes,  the  Indians  of  the  plains  must  neces- 
sarily have  had  to  come  to  this  locality  in  very 
considerable  force  and  must  at  all  times  have 
kept  a  very  sharp  lookout  in  order  to  avoid  disas- 
ter. It  is  known  that  the  Utes  maintained  pickets 
in  this  vicinity  much  of  the  time.  In  the  early 
days,  any  one  climbing  to  the  top  of  the  high  sand- 
stone ridge  back  of  the  United  States  Reduction 
Works  at  Colorado  City  might  have  seen  numer- 
ous circular  places  of  defense  built  of  loose  stone, 
to  a  height  of  four  or  five  feet,  and  large  enough 
to  hold  three  or  four  men  comfortably.  These 
miniature  fortifications  were  placed  at  intervals 


26  Pike's  Peak  Indians 

along  the  ridge  all  the  way  from  the  Fountain  to 
Bear  Creek  and  doubtless  were  built  and  used 
by  the  Utes.  From  these  small  forts,  the  Indian 
pickets  could  overlook  the  valley  of  the  Fountain, 
the  Mesa,  and  keep  watch  over  the  country  for  a 
long  distance  out  on  the  plains.  At  such  times  as 
the  Utes  maintained  sentinels  there  it  would  have 
been  difficult  for  their  enemies  to  reach  this  region 
without  being  discovered. 


CHAPTER  II 

TRAILS,  MINERAL  SPRINGS,  GAME,  ETC. 

THE  principal  Indian  trail  into  the  mountains 
from  the  plains  to  the  northeast  of  Pike's  Peak 
came  in  by  way  of  the  Garden  Ranch,  through 
what  used  to  be  known  as  Templeton's  Gap.  It 
crossed  Monument  Creek  about  a  mile  above  Col- 
orado Springs,  then  followed  up  a  ridge  to  the 
Mesa;  then  it  went  southwest  over  the  Mesa  and 
across  Camp  Creek,  passing  just  south  of  the  Gar- 
den of  the  Gods;  from  there  it  came  down  to  the 
Fountain,  about  a  mile  west  of  Colorado  City,  and 
there  joined  another  trail  that  came  from  the 
southeast  up  the  east  side  of  Fountain  Creek. 
The  latter  trail  followed  the  east  side  of  the 
Fountain  from  the  Arkansas  River,  and  crossed 
Monument  Creek  just  below  the  present  Artificial 
Ice  Plant  in  Colorado  Springs,  from  which  point 
it  ran  along  the  north  side  of  the  Fountain  to  a 
point  just  west  of  Colorado  City,  where  it  crossed 
to  the  south  side,  then  up  the  south  side  of  the 

27 


28      Trails,  Mineral  Springs,  Game 

creek  to  the  Manitou  Springs.  From  this  place  it 
went  up  Ruxton  Creek  for  a  few  hundred  yards, 
then  crossed  over  to  the  west  side,  then  up  the 
creek  to  a  point  just  below  the  Colorado  Midland 
Railway  bridge;  thence  westward  up  a  long  ravine 
to  its  head;  then  in  the  same  direction  near  the 
heads  of  the  ravines  running  into  the  Fountain  and 
from  a  quarter  to  a  half  of  a  mile  south  of  that 
creek  for  two  miles  or  more.  The  trail  finally  came 
down  to  the  Fountain  again  just  below  Cascade 
Canon  and  from  there  led  up  the  Fountain  to  its 
head,  where  it  branched  off  in  various  directions. 
The  trail  I  have  described  from  Manitou  to 
Cascade  Canon  is  the  famous  old  Ute  Pass  trail 
which  undoubtedly  had  been  used  by  various  tribes 
of  Indians  for  hundreds  of  years  before  the  dis- 
covery of  America.  We  know  it  was  used  later 
for  many  generations  by  the  Spanish  explorer, 
the  hunter,  the  trapper,  and  the  Indian  until  the 
white  settler  came,  and  even  after  that  by  occa- 
sional war-parties,  up  to  the  time  the  Indians 
were  driven  from  the  State  of  Colorado.  Marble 
markers  were  placed  at  intervals  along  this  trail 
by  the  El  Paso  County  Pioneer  Society  in  the 
summer  of  1912.  This  trail  and  those  leading 
into  it  from  the  plains  were  well-traveled  roads 
and  gave  indication  of  long  and  frequent  use. 


Trails,  Mineral  Springs,  Game      29 

Dr.  Edwin  James,  botanist  and  historian  of 
Long's  expedition,  who  visited  the  Pike's  Peak 
region  in  1820,  says: 

A  large  and  much  frequented  road  passes  the  springs 
and  enters  the  mountains  running  to  the  north  of  the 
high  peak. 

He  says  of  the  principal  spring  at  Manitou: 

The  boiling  spring  is  a  large  and  beautiful  fountain 
of  water,  cool  and  transparent  and  aerated  with  car- 
bonic acid.  It  rises  on  the  brink  of  a  small  stream 
which  here  descends  from  the  mountains  at  the  point 
where  the  bed  of  this  stream  divides  the  ridge  of  sand- 
stone, which  rests  against  the  base  of  the  first  granitic 
range.  The  water  of  the  spring  deposits  a  copious 
concretion  of  carbonate  of  lime,  which  has  accumulated 
on  every  side,  until  it  has  formed  a  large  basin  over- 
hanging the  stream,  above  which  it  rises  several  feet. 
The  basin  is  of  snowy  whiteness  and  large  enough  to 
contain  three  or  four  hundred  gallons,  and  is  con- 
stantly overflowing.  The  spring  rises  from  the  bottom 
of  the  basin  with  a  rumbling  noise,  discharging  about 
equal  volumes  of  air  and  of  water,  probably  about 
fifty  gallons  per  minute,  the  whole  kept  in  constant 
agitation.  The  water  is  beautifully  transparent,  has 
a  sparkling  appearance,  the  grateful  taste  and  ex- 
hilarating effect  of  the  most  highly  aerated  artificial 
mineral  water. 

In  the  bottom  of  the  spring  a  great  number  of  beads 
and  other  small  articles  of  Indian  adornment  were 
found,  having  unquestionably  been  left  there  as  a 
sacrifice  or  present  to  the  springs,  which  are  regarded 


30      Trails,  Mineral  Springs,  Game 

with  a  sort  of  veneration  by  the  savages.  Bijeau, 
our  guide,  assured  us  he  had  repeatedly  taken  beads 
and  other  adornments  from  these  springs  and  sold 
them  to  the  same  savages  who  had  thrown  them  in. 

Mr.  Rufus  B.  Sage,  who  describes  himself  as  a 
New  Englander,  after  passing  through  this  region 
in  1842,  published  a  book  giving  his  experiences 
and  observations.  In  speaking  of  the  Fontaine 
qui  Bouille  Creek,  now  known  as  the  Fountain 
and  of  the  Manitou  Springs,  he  says : 

This  name  is  derived  from  two  singular  springs 
situated  within  a  few  yards  of  each  other  at  the 
creek's  head)  both  of  which  emit  water  in  the 
form  of  vapor,  with  a  hissing  noise;  one  strongly 
impregnated  with  sulphur  and  the  other  with  soda. 
The  soda  water  is  fully  as  good  as  any  manufactured 
for  special  use  and  sparkles  and  foams  with  equal 
effervescence.  The  Arapahoes  regard  this  phenome- 
non with  awe,  and  venerate  it  as  the  manifestation 
of  the  immediate  presence  of  the  Great  Spirit.  They 
call  it  the  "Medicine  Fountain"  and  seldom  neglect 
to  bestow  their  gifts  upon  it  whenever  an  opportunity 
is  presented.  These  offerings  usually  consist  of  robes, 
blankets,  arrows,  bows,  knives,  beads,  moccasins,  etc., 
which  they  either  throw  into  the  water,  or  hang  upon 
the  surrounding  trees. 

Sometimes  a  whole  village  will  visit  the  place  for 
the  purpose  of  paying  their  united  regard  to  this 
sacred  fountain. 

The  scenery  in  the  vicinity  is  truly  magnificent. 
A  valley  several  hundred  yards  in  width  heads  at  the 


Trails,  Mineral  Springs,  Game      31 

springs,  and  overlooking  it  from  the  west  in  almost 
perpendicular  ascent  tower  the  lofty  summits  of 
Pike's  Peak,  piercing  the  clouds  and  reveling  in 
eternal  snow.  This  valley  opens  eastward  and  is 
walled  in  at  the  right  and  left  at  the  mountain's  base 
by  a  stretch  of  high  table-land  surmounted  by  oaks 
and  stately  pines,  with  now  and  then  an  interval  dis- 
playing a  luxuriant  coating  of  grass.  The  soil  is  a 
reddish  loam  and  very  rich.  The  trees,  which  skirt 
the  creek  as  it  traces  its  way  from  the  fountain,  are 
generally  free  from  underbrush,  and  show  almost  as 
much  regularity  of  position  as  if  planted  by  the  hand 
of  art.  A  lusty  growth  of  vegetation  is  sustained 
among  them  to  their  very  trunks,  which  is  garnished 
by  wild  flowers  during  the  summer  months,  that  invest 
the  whole  scene  with  an  enchantment  peculiar  to  itself. 

The  climate,  too,  is  far  milder  in  this  than  in 
adjoining  regions,  even  of  a  more  southern  latitude. 
'"Tis  here  summer  first  unfolds  her  robes,  and  here  the 
longest  tarries  " ;  the  grass,  continuing  green  the  entire 
winter,  here  first  feels  the  genial  touch  of  spring. 
Snow  seldom  remains  upon  the  ground  to  exceed 
a  single  day,  even  in  the  severest  weather,  while  the 
neighboring  hills  and  prairies  present  their  white 
mantlings  for  weeks  in  succession. 

As  the  creek  emerges  from  the  mountains,  it  in- 
creases in  size  by  the  accession  of  several  tributaries, 
and  the  valley  also  expands,  retaining  for  a  con- 
siderable distance  the  distinguishing  traces  above 
described. 

The  vicinity  affords  an  abundance  of  game,  among 
which  are  deer,  sheep,  bear,  antelope,  elk,  and  buffalo, 
together  with  turkeys,  geese,  ducks,  grouse,  mountain 
fowls,  and  rabbits.  Affording  as  it  does  such  magnifi- 


32      Trails,  Mineral  Springs,  Game 

cent  and  delightful  scenery,  such  rich  stores  for  the 
supply  of  human  wants  both  to  please  the  taste  and 
enrapture  the  heart;  so  heavenlike  in  its  appearance 
and  character,  it  is  no  wonder  the  untaught  savage 
reveres  it  as  a  place  wherein  the  Good  Spirit  delights 
to  dwell,  and  hastens  with  his  free-will  offerings  to  the 
strange  fountain,  in  the  full  belief  that  its  bubbling 
waters  are  the  more  immediate  impersonation  of  Him 
whom  he  adores. 

And  there  are  other  scenes  adjoining  this  that 
demand  a  passing  notice.  A  few  miles  from  the 
springs,  and  running  parallel  with  the  eastern  base 
of  the  mountain  range,  several  hundred  yards  removed 
from  it,  a  wall  of  coarse,  red  granite  towers  to  a  varied 
height  of  from  fifty  to  three  hundred  feet.  This  wall 
is  formed  of  an  immense  strata  planted  vertically. 
This  mural  tier  is  isolated  and  occupies  its  prairie 
site  in  silent  majesty,  as  if  to  guard  the  approach  to 
the  stupendous  monuments  of  Nature's  handiwork, 
that  form  the  background,  disclosing  itself  to  the 
beholder  for  a  distance  of  over  thirty  miles. 

Lieut.  John  C.  Fremont,  who  visited  the  springs 
in  1843,  while  on  his  second  expedition,  was  just 
as  enthusiastic  about  them.  He  says : 

On  the  morning  of  the  i6th  of  July  we  resumed  our 
journey.  Our  direction  was  up  the  Boiling  Springs 
River,  it  being  my  intention  to  visit  the  celebrated 
springs  from  which  the  river  takes  its  name,  and 
which  are  on  its  upper  waters  at  the  foot  of  Pike's 
Peak. 

Our  animals  fared  well  while  we  were  on  this  stream, 


Trails,  Mineral  Springs,  Game      33 

there  being  everywhere  a  great  abundance  of  grass. 
Beautiful  clusters  of  flowering  plants  were  numerous, 
and  wild  currants,  nearly  ripe,  were  abundant.  On 
the  afternoon  of  the  I7th,  we  entered  among  the 
broken  ridges  at  the  foot  of  the  mountain,  where  the 
river  made  several  forks. 

Leaving  the  camp  to  follow  slowly,  I  rode  ahead  in 
the  afternoon,  in  search  of  the  springs.  In  the  mean- 
time, the  clouds,  which  had  been  gathering  all  the 
afternoon  over  the  mountains,  began  to  roll  down  their 
sides,  and  a  storm  so  violent  burst  upon  me  that  it 
appeared  I  had  entered  the  store  house  of  the  thunder 
storms.  I  continued,  however,  to  ride  along  up  the 
river  until  about  sunset,  and  was  beginning  to  be 
doubtful  of  finding  the  springs  before  the  next  day, 
when  I  came  suddenly  upon  a  large,  smooth  rock  about 
twenty  feet  in  diameter,  where  the  water  from  several 
springs  was  bubbling  and  boiling  up  in  the  midst  of  a 
white  encrustation,  with  which  it  had  covered  a  portion 
of  the  rock .  As  it  did  not  correspond  with  the  descrip- 
tion given  me  by  the  hunters,  I  did  not  stop  to  taste 
the  water,  but  dismounting,  walked  a  little  way  up  the 
river,  and  passing  through  a  narrow  thicket  of  shrub- 
bery bordering  the  stream,  stepped  directly  upon  a 
huge,  white  rock  at  the  foot  of  which  the  river,  already 
becoming  a  torrent,  foamed  along,  broken  by  a  small 
fall. 

A  deer  which  had  been  drinking  at  the  spring  was 
startled  by  my  approach,  and  springing  across  the 
river  bounded  off  up  the  mountain.  In  the  upper 
part  of  the  rock,  which  had  been  formed  by  the  deposi- 
tion, was  a  beautiful,  white  basin  overhung  by  currant 
bushes,  in  which  the  cold,  clear  water  bubbled  up, 
kept  in  constant  motion  by  the  escaping  gas,  and  over- 


34      Trails,  Mineral  Springs,  Game 

flowing  the  rock  which  it  had  almost  entirely  covered 
with  a  smooth  crust  of  glistening  white. 

I  had  all  day  refrained  from  drinking,  reserving 
myself  for  the  springs,  and  as  I  could  not  well  be  more 
wet  than  the  rain  had  already  made  me,  I  lay  down  by 
the  side  of  the  basin  and  drank  heartily  of  the  delight- 
ful water. 

As  it  was  now  beginning  to  grow  dark,  I  rode 
quickly  down  the  river  on  which  I  found  the  camp  a 
few  miles  below.  The  morning  of  the  1 8th  was  beauti- 
ful and  clear,  and  all  of  the  people  being  anxious  to 
drink  of  these  famous  waters,  we  encamped  immedi- 
ately at  the  springs  and  spent  there  a  very  pleasant  day. 

On  the  opposite  side  of  the  river  is  another  locality 
of  springs  which  are  entirely  of  the  same  nature.  The 
water  has  a  very  agreeable  taste,  which  Mr.  Preuss 
found  very  much  to  resemble  that  of  the  famous 
Selter  spring  in  the  Grand  Duchy  of  Nassau,  a 
country  famous  for  wine  and  mineral  waters. 

Resuming  our  journey  on  the  morning  of  the  iQth, 
we  descended  the  river,  in  order  to  reach  the  mouth 
of  the  eastern  fork  which  I  proposed  to  ascend.  The 
left  bank  of  the  river  is  here  very  much  broken.  There 
is  a  handsome  little  bottom  on  the  right,  and  both 
banks  are  exceedingly  picturesque,  a  stratum  of  red 
rock  in  nearly  perpendicular  walls,  crossing  the  valley 
from  north  to  south. 

Lieut.  George  F.  Ruxton,  an  officer  of  the 
British  Army,  who  was  seeking  the  restoration  of 
his  health  by  roughing  it  in  the  Rocky  Mountains, 
camped  at  the  Manitou  Springs  for  a  number  of 
months  in  the  early  part  of  1847. 


Trails,  Mineral  Springs,  Game      35 

Writing  of  his  trip  from  Pueblo  up  the  Fontaine 
qui  Bouille  in  the  month  of  March  of  that  year, 
and  of  his  stay  at  the  springs  afterwards,  he  says : 

The  further  I  advanced  up  the  creek  and  the  nearer 
the  mountains,  the  more  advanced  was  the  vegetation. 
As  yet,  however,  the  cotton  woods  and  the  larger  trees 
in  the  bottom  showed  no  signs  of  life,  and  the  currant 
and  cherry  bushes  still  looked  dry  and  sapless.  The 
thickets,  however,  were  filled  with  birds  and  resounded 
with  their  songs,  and  the  plains  were  alive  with  prairie 
dogs,  busy  in  repairing  their  houses  and  barking 
lustily  as  I  rode  through  their  towns.  Turkeys,  too, 
were  calling  in  the  timber,  and  the  boom  of  the  prairie 
fowl  at  rise  and  set  of  sun  was  heard  on  every  side. 
The  snow  had  entirely  disappeared  from  the  plains, 
but  Pike's  Peak  and  the  mountains  were  still  clad  in 
white. 

On  my  way  I  met  a  band  of  hunters  who  had  been 
driven  in  by  a  party  of  Arapahoes  who  were  encamped 
on  the  eastern  fork  of  the  Fontaine  qui  Bouille  [Monu- 
ment Creek].  They  strongly  urged  me  to  return, 
as,  being  alone,  I  could  not  fail  to  be  robbed  of  my 
animals,  if  not  killed  myself.  However,  in  pursuance 
of  my  fixed  rule  never  to  stop  on  account  of  Indians, 
I  proceeded  up  the  river  and  camped  on  the  first  fork 
for  a  day  or  two,  hunting  in  the  mountains.  I  then 
moved  up  the  main  fork  on  which  I  had  been  directed 
by  the  hunters  to  proceed,  in  order  to  visit  the  far 
famed  springs,  from  which  the  creek  takes  its  name. 
I  followed  a  very  good  lodge-pole  trail  which  struck  the 
creek  before  entering  the  broken  country,  being  that 
used  by  the  Utes  and  Arapahoes  on  their  way  to  the 


36      Trails,  Mineral  Springs,  Game 

Bayou  Salado.  Here  the  valley  narrowed  considerably, 
and  turning  an  angle  with  the  creek,  I  was  at  once  shut 
in  by  mountains  and  elevated  ridges  which  rose  on 
each  side  of  the  stream.  This  was  now  a  rapid  torrent 
tumbling  over  the  rocks  and  stones  and  fringed  with 
oak  and  a  shrubbery  of  brush.  A  few  miles  on,  the 
canon  opened  into  a  little  shelving  glade  and  on  the 
right  bank  of  the  stream,  raised  several  feet  above  it, 
was  a  flat,  white  rock,  in  which  was  a  round  hole  where 
one  of  the  celebrated  springs  hissed  and  bubbled  with 
its  escaping  gas.  I  had  been  cautioned  against  drink- 
ing this,  being  directed  to  follow  the  stream  a  few 
yards  to  another,  which  is  the  true  soda  spring. 

I  had  not  only  abstained  from  drinking  that  day, 
but  with  the  aid  of  a  handful  of  salt,  which  I  had 
brought  with  me  for  the  purpose,  had  so  highly 
seasoned  my  breakfast  of  venison,  that  I  was  in  a  most 
satisfactory  state  of  thirst.  I  therefore  proceeded 
at  once  to  the  other  spring,  and  found  it  about  forty 
yards  from  the  first  and  immediately  above  the  river, 
issuing  from  a  little  basin  in  the  flat,  white  rock,  and 
trickling  over  the  edge  into  the  stream.  The  escape 
of  gas  in  this  was  much  stronger  than  in  the  other, 
and  was  similar  to  water  boiling  smartly. 

I  had  provided  myself  with  a  tin  cup  holding  about 
a  pint,  but  before  dipping  it  in  I  divested  myself  of 
my  pouch  and  belt,  and  sat  down  in  order  to  enjoy 
the  draught  at  my  leisure.  I  was  half  dead  with  thirst, 
and  tucking  up  the  sleeves  of  my  hunting  shirt,  I 
dipped  the  cup  into  the  midst  of  the  bubbles  and  raised 
it,  hissing  and  sparkling,  to  my  lips.  Such  a  draught ! 
Three  times  without  drawing  a  breath  was  it  replen- 
ished and  emptied,  almost  blowing  up  the  roof  of  my 
mouth  with  its  effervescence.  It  was  equal  to  the  very 


Trails,  Mineral  Springs,  Game      37 

best  soda  water,   but  possesses  that  fresh,  natural 
flavor  which  manufactured  water  cannot  impart. 

The  Indians  regard  with  awe  the  medicine  waters 
of  these  fountains,  as  being  the  abode  of  a  Spirit  who 
breathes  through  the  transparent  water,  and  thus 
by  his  exhalations  causes  the  perturbation  of  its  sur- 
face. The  Arapahoes  especially  attribute  to  this  water 
god,  the  power  of  ordaining  the  success  or  miscar- 
riage of  their  war  expeditions,  and  as  their  braves 
pass  often  by  the  mysterious  springs  when  in  search 
of  their  hereditary  enemies,  the  Utes,  in  the  "Valley  of 
Salt,  "  they  never  fail  to  bestow  their  votive  offerings 
upon  the  water  sprite,  in  order  to  propitiate  the 
Manitou  of  the  fountain  and  insure  a  fortunate  issue 
to  their  path  of  war.  Thus  at  the  time  of  my  visit, 
the  basin  of  the  spring  was  filled  with  beads  and  wam- 
pum and  pieces  of  red  cloth  and  knives,  while  the 
surrounding  trees  were  hung  with  strips  of  deer  skin, 
cloth,  and  moccasins;  to  which,  had  they  been  service- 
able, I  would  most  sacrilegiously  have  helped  my- 
self. The  signs,  too,  around  the  spring,  plainly  showed 
that  here  a  war  dance  had  been  executed  by  the 
braves,  and  I  was  not  a  little  pleased  to  find  that 
they  had  already  been  here  and  were  not  likely  to 
return  the  same  way;  but  in  this  supposition  I  was 
quite  astray. 

The  large  spring  referred  to  by  Dr.  James,  Sage, 
Fremont,  Ruxton,  and  the  other  writers  whom  I 
have  quoted,  is  the  one  now  enclosed  and  used  by 
the  bottling  works  at  Manitou.  Ruxton  says  the 
two  springs  were  intimately  connected  with  the 
separation  of  the  Comanche  and  the  Snake,  or 


38      Trails,  Mineral  Springs,  Game 

Ute   tribes,  and   he  gives  the    following   legend 
concerning  the  beginning  of  the  trouble : 


Many  hundreds  of  winters  ago,  when  the  cotton- 
woods  on  the  Big  River  were  no  higher  than  an  arrow, 
and  the  red  men,  who  hunted  the  buffalo  on  the  plains, 
all  spoke  the  same  language,  and  the  pipe  of  peace 
breathed  its  social  cloud  of  kinnikinnik  whenever 
two  parties  of  hunters  met  on  the  boundless  plains — 
when,  with  hunting  grounds  and  game  of  every  kind 
in  the  greatest  abundance,  no  nation  dug  up  the 
hatchet  with  another  because  one  of  its  hunters 
followed  the  game  into  their  bounds,  but,  on  the 
contrary,  loaded  for  him  his  back  with  choice  and 
fattest  meat,  and  ever  proffered  the  soothing  pipe 
before  the  stranger,  with  well-filled  belly,  left  the  vil- 
lage,— it  happened  that  two  hunters  of  different 
nations  met  one  day  on  a  small  rivulet,  where  both 
had  repaired  to  quench  their  thirst.  A  little  stream 
of  water,  rising  from  a  spring  on  a  rock  within  a  few 
feet  of  the  bank,  trickled  over  it  and  fell  splashing 
into  the  river.  To  this  the  hunters  repaired;  and 
while  one  sought  the  spring  itself,  where  the  water, 
cold  and  clear,  reflected  on  its  surface  the  image  of 
the  surrounding  scenery,  the  other,  tired  by  his  exer- 
tions in  the  chase,  threw  himself  at  once  to  the  ground 
and  plunged  his  face  into  the  running  stream. 

The  latter  had  been  unsuccessful  in  the  chase,  and 
perhaps  his  bad  fortune  and  the  sight  of  the  fat  deer, 
which  the  other  hunter  threw  from  his  back  before  he 
drank  at  the  crystal  spring,  caused  a  feeling  of  jealousy 
and  ill-humour  to  take  possession  of  his  mind.  The 
other,  on  the  contrary,  before  he  satisfied  his  thirst, 


Trails,  Mineral  Springs,  Game      39 

raised  in  the  hollow  of  his  hand  a  portion  of  the  water, 
and,  lifting  it  towards  the  sun,  reversed  his  hand  and 
allowed  it  to  fall  upon  the  ground,— a  libation  to  the 
Great  Spirit  who  had  vouchsafed  him  a  successful 
hunt,  and  the  blessing  of  the  refreshing  water  with 
which  he  was  about  to  quench  his  thirst. 

Seeing  this,  and  being  reminded  that  he  had 
neglected  the  usual  offering,  only  increased  the  feel- 
ing of  envy  and  annoyance  which  the  unsuccessful 
hunter  permitted  to  get  the  mastery  of  his  heart; 
and  the  Evil  Spirit  at  that  moment  entering  his  body, 
his  temper  fairly  flew  away,  and  he  sought  some  pre- 
tense by  which  to  provoke  a  quarrel  with  the  stranger 
Indian  at  the  spring. 

"Why  does  a  stranger,"  he  asked,  rising  from  the 
stream  at  the  same  time,  "drink  at  the  spring-head, 
when  one  to  whom  the  fountain  belongs  contents 
himself  with  the  water  that  runs  from  it?" 

"The  Great  Spirit  places  the  cool  water  at  the 
spring,  "  answered  the  other  hunter,  "that  his  children 
may  drink  it  pure  and  undefiled.  The  running  water 
is  for  the  beasts  which  scour  the  plains.  Au-sa-qua 
is  a  chief  of  the  Shos-shone;  he  drinks  at  the  head 
water." 

"The  Shos-shone  is  but  a  tribe  of  the  Comanche, " 
returned  the  other;  "Waco-mish  leads  the  grand 
nation.  Why  does  a  Shos-shone  dare  to  drink  above 
him?" 

"He  has  said  it.  The  Shos-shone  drinks  at  the 
spring-head;  other  nations  of  the  stream  which  runs 
into  the  fields.  Au-sa-qua  is  chief  of  his  nation. 
The  Comanche  are  brothers.  Let  them  both  drink 
of  the  same  water. " 

"The  Shos-shone  pays  tribute  to  the  Comanche. 


40      Trails,  Mineral  Springs,  Game 

Waco-mish  leads  that  nation  to  war.  Waco-mish 
is  chief  of  the  Shos-shone,  as  he  is  of  his  own  people." 

"Waco-mish  lies;  his  tongue  is  forked  like  the 
rattlesnake's;  his  heart  is  black  as  the  Misho-tunga 
[bad  spirit].  When  the  Manitou  made  his  children, 
whether  Shos-shone  or  Comanche,  Arapahoe,  Shi-an, 
or  Pa-ne*,  he  gave  them  buffalo  to  eat,  and  the  pure 
water  of  the  fountain  to  quench  their  thirst.  He  said 
not  to  one,  Drink  here,  and  to  another,  Drink  there; 
but  gave  the  crystal  spring  to  all,  that  all  might 
drink." 

Waco-mish  almost  burst  with  rage  as  the  other 
spoke ;  but  his  coward  heart  alone  prevented  him  from 
provoking  an  encounter  with  the  calm  Shos-shone. 
He,  made  thirsty  by  the  words  he  had  spoken — for  the 
red  man  is  ever  sparing  of  his  tongue — again  stooped 
down  to  the  spring  to  quench  his  thirst,  when  the 
subtle  warrior  of  the  Comanche  suddenly  threw 
himself  upon  the  kneeling  hunter,  and,  forcing  his 
head  into  the  bubbling  water,  held  him  down  with  all 
his  strength,  until  his  victim  no  longer  struggled,  his 
stiffened  limbs  relaxed,  and  he  fell  forward  over  the 
spring,  drowned  and  dead. 

Over  the  body  stood  the  murderer,  and  no  sooner 
was  the  deed  of  blood  consummated  than  bitter 
remorse  took  possession  of  his  mind,  where  before  had 
reigned  the  fiercest  passion  and  vindictive  hate.  With 
hands  clasped  to  his  forehead,  he  stood  transfixed 
with  horror,  intently  gazing  on  his  victim,  whose  head 
still  remained  immersed  in  the  fountain.  Mechan- 
ically he  dragged  the  body  a  few  paces  from  the  water, 
which,  as  soon  as  the  head  of  the  dead  Indian  was 
withdrawn,  the  Comanche  saw  suddenly  and  strangely 
disturbed.  Bubbles  sprang  up  from  the  bottom, 


Trails,  Mineral  Springs,  Game      41 

and  rising  to  the  surface,  escaped  in  hissing  gas.  A 
thin  vapoury  cloud  arose,  and  gradually  dissolving, 
displayed  to  the  eyes  of  the  trembling  murderer  the 
figure  of  an  aged  Indian,  whose  long,  snowy  hair  and 
venerable  beard,  blown  aside  by  a  gentle  air  from  his 
breast,  discovered  the  well-known  totem  of  the  great 
Wan-kan-aga,  the  father  of  the  Comanche  and  Shos- 
shone  nation,  whom  the  tradition  of  the  tribe,  handed 
down  by  skillful  hieroglyphics,  almost  deified  for  the 
good  actions  and  deeds  of  bravery  this  famous  war- 
rior had  performed  when  on  earth. 

Stretching  out  a  war-club  towards  the  affrighted 
murderer,  the  figure  thus  addressed  him : 

"Accursed  of  my  tribe!  this  day  thou  hast  severed 
the  link  between  the  mightiest  nations  of  the  world, 
while  the  blood  of  the  brave  Shos-shone  cries  to  the 
Manitou  for  vengeance.  May  the  water  of  thy  tribe 
be  rank  and  bitter  in  their  throats."  Thus  saying, 
and  swinging  his  ponderous  war-club  (made  from  the 
elk's  horn)  round  his  head,  he  dashed  out  the  brains 
of  the  Comanche,  who  fell  headlong  into  the  spring, 
which,  from  that  day  to  the  present  moment,  remains 
rank  and  nauseous,  so  that  not  even  when  half  dead 
with  thirst,  can  one  drink  the  foul  water  of  that 
spring. 

The  good  Wan-kan-aga,  however,  to  perpetuate 
the  memory  of  the  Shos-shone  warrior,  who  was  re- 
nowned in  his  tribe  for  valour  and  nobleness  of  heart, 
struck,  with  the  same  avenging  club,  a  hard,  flat  rock 
which  overhung  the  rivulet,  just  out  of  sight  of  this 
scene  of  blood ;  and  forthwith  the  rock  opened  into  a 
round,  clear  basin,  which  instantly  filled  with  bubbling, 
sparkling  water,  than  which  no  thirsty  hunter  ever 
drank  a  sweeter  or  a  cooler  draught. 


42      Trails,  Mineral  Springs,  Game 

Thus  the  two  springs  remain,  an  everlasting 
memento  of  the  foul  murder  of  the  brave  Shos-shone, 
and  the  stern  justice  of  the  good  Wan-kan-aga;  and 
from  that  day  the  two  mighty  tribes  of  the  Shos-shone 
and  Comanche  have  remained  severed  and  apart; 
although  a  long  and  bloody  war  followed  the  treacher- 
ous murder  of  the  Shos-shone  chief,  and  many  a  scalp 
torn  from  the  head  of  the  Comanche  paid  the  penalty 
of  his  death. 

In  telling  of  the  great  quantities  of  game  in  this 
region,  Ruxton  says: 

Never  was  there  such  a  paradise  for  hunters  as  this 
lone  and  solitary  spot. 

Game  abounded  on  every  hand.  Bear,  elk, 
deer,  mountain  sheep,  antelope,  and  grouse  were 
in  abundance  in  the  surrounding  mountains  and 
valleys.  Of  buffalo  there  were  few  except  in 
the  valleys  west  of  Pike's  Peak  and  in  the  Bayou 
Salado,  or  South  Park,  as  it  is  now  known. 

Ruxton  further  says : 

It  is  a  singular  fact  that  within  the  last  two  years 
the  prairies,  extending  from  the  mountains  to  one 
hundred  miles  or  more  down  the  Arkansas,  have  been 
entirely  abandoned  by  the  buffalo ;  indeed,  in  crossing 
from  the  settlements  of  New  Mexico,  the  boundary 
of  their  former  range  is  marked  by  skulls  and  bones, 
which  appear  fresher  as  the  traveler  advances  west- 
ward and  towards  the  waters  of  the  Platte. 

The  evidences  that  Ruxton  here  mentions  were 


Trails,  Mineral  Springs,  Game       43 

still  apparent  twelve  or  fourteen  years  later,  when 
the  first  settlers  of  this  region  arrived.  Buffalo 
skulls  and  bones  were  scattered  everywhere  over 
the  plains,  but  live  buffalo  could  seldom  be 
found  nearer  than  one  hundred  miles  east  of  the 
mountains. 

The  reason  for  this  has  been  variously  stated, 
some  claiming  that  a  contagious  disease  broke 
out  among  the  buffalo  in  the  early  forties,  which 
virtually  exterminated  those  along  the  eastern 
base  of  the  mountains.  Others  say  that  about 
that  time  there  was  a  tremendous  snowfall  in 
the  early  part  of  the  winter  which  covered  the 
whole  country  along  the  eastern  base  of  the 
mountains  to  a  depth  of  six  to  eight  feet,  and  that 
as  a  result  all  the  buffalo  within  the  region  of  the 
snowfall  starved  to  death  during  the  following 
winter.  It  is  very  possible  that  the  latter  reason 
may  have  been  the  true  one,  as  a  heavy  fall  of 
snow  in  the  early  part  of  the  winter  is  not  unknown. 
In  the  winter  of  1864-1865  the  antelope  of  this 
region  nearly  starved  to  death,  owing  to  a  two- 
foot  fall  of  snow,  on  the  last  day  of  October  and 
the  first  day  of  November,  1864,  which  covered  the 
ground  to  a  considerable  depth  for  most  of  the 
winter. 

While  it  is  true  that  there  were  no  buffalo  in 


44      Trails,  Mineral  Springs,  Game 

this  immediate  region  at  the  time  Ruxton  was  here, 
nor  afterwards,  it  is  well-known  that  they  had 
been  fairly  plentiful  in  earlier  years.  Lieuten- 
ant Pike  tells  of  killing  five  buffalo  the  day  he 
reached  the  present  site  of  Pueblo  in  1806,  and  a 
day  or  two  afterwards  he  killed  three  more  on 
Turkey  Creek,  about  twenty  miles  south  of  where 
Colorado  Springs  now  stands,  and  saw  others 
while  climbing  the  mountains  in  his  attempt  to 
reach  the  "high  point,"  as  he  calls  it,  now  known 
as  Pike's  Peak. 

In  1820,  Long's  expedition,  on  its  way  from 
Platte  Canon,  killed  several  buffalo  on  Monument 
Creek,  a  few  miles  south  of  the  Divide ;  and  later, 
while  camped  on  the  Fountain  a  short  distance 
below  the  site  of  the  present  city  of  Colorado 
Springs,  killed  several  more. 

Sage  says  that  in  1842,  during  a  five  days'  stay 
at  Jimmy's  Camp  (ten  miles  east  of  the  present 
city  of  Colorado  Springs),  he  "killed  three  fine 
buffalo  cows. " 

After  Ruxton  had  been  camped  near  Manitou 
Springs  for  two  or  three  weeks,  while  out  hunting 
one  day,  he  ran  across  an  Indian  camp,  which 
startled  him  very  much.  No  Indians  were  in 
sight  at  the  time,  but  later  he  got  a  glimpse  of 
two  carrying  in  a  deer  which  they  had  killed.  The 


Trails,  Mineral  Springs,  Game      45 

next  morning  Ruxton  concluded  that  as  a  matter 
of  safety,  he  had  better  remove  his  camp  to  some 
more  secluded  spot.  The  following  day  a  fire 
was  started  on  the  side  of  the  mountain  to  the 
south  of  the  springs,  which  rapidly  spread  in  every 
direction.  He  says: 

I  had  from  the  first  no  doubt  that  the  fire  was  caused 
by  the  Indians  who  had  probably  discovered  my 
animals,  and  thinking  that  a  large  party  of  hunters 
might  be  out,  had  taken  advantage  of  a  favorable  wind 
to  set  fire  to  the  grass,  hoping  to  secure  the  horses 
and  mules  in  the  confusion,  without  risk  of  attacking 
the  camp. 

In  order  to  be  out  of  reach  of  the  fire,  Ruxton 
moved  his  camp  down  the  Fontaine  qui  Bouille 
six  or  seven  miles.  He  says: 

All  this  time  the  fire  was  spreading  out  on  the 
prairies.  It  extended  at  least  five  miles  on  the  left 
bank  of  the  creek  and  on  the  right  was  more  slowly 
creeping  up  the  mountainside,  while  the  brush  and 
timber  in  the  bottom  was  one  mass  of  flame.  Besides  v 
the  long,  sweeping  line  of  the  advancing  flame  the 
plateaus  on  the  mountainside  and  within  the  line 
were  burning  in  every  direction  as  the  squalls  and 
eddies  down  the  gullies  drove  the  fire  to  all  points. 
The  mountains  themselves  being  invisible,  the  air 
from  the  low  ground  where  I  then  was,  appeared  a 
mass  of  fire,  and  huge  crescents  of  flame  danced  as 
it  were  in  the  very  sky,  until  a  mass  of  timber  blazing 


46       Trails,  Mineral  Springs,  Game 

at  once  exhibited  the   somber   background   of  the 
stupendous  mountains. 

The  fire  extended  towards  the  waters  of  the 
Platte  upwards  of  forty  miles,  and  for  fourteen 
days  its  glare  was  visible  on  the  Arkansas  River 
fifty  miles  distant. 

The  testimony  of  Ruxton  bears  out  information 
I  have  from  other  sources,  that  a  large  portion  of 
the  great  areas  of  dead  timber  on  the  mountain- 
sides of  this  region  is  the  result  of  fires  started  by 
the  various  Indian  tribes  in  their  wanderings  to 
and  fro.  Old  trappers  say  that  the  Utes  fre- 
quently went  out  upon  the  plains  on  horse-stealing 
expeditions;  that  when  they  had  located  a  camp 
of  their  enemies,  they  would  stealthily  creep  in 
among  their  ponies  in  the  night,  round  them  up, 
and  start  off  towards  the  mountains  with  as  many 
as  they  could  hastily  gather  together.  They  were 
sure  to  be  pursued  the  following  morning  when  the 
raid  had  been  discovered,  and  often  the  Utes  with 
the  stolen  herd  would  find  their  pursuers  close 
after  them  by  the  time  they  reached  the  moun- 
tains. In  that  case,  they  knew  that  if  they  fol- 
lowed up  Ute  Pass  they  were  likely  to  be  overtaken, 
but  by  crossing  over  the  northern  point  of  Cheyenne 
Mountain  and  on  to  the  west  along  a  trail  that 
ran  not  very  far  distant  from  the  route  now  fol- 


Trails,  Mineral  Springs,  Game       47 

lowed  by  the  Cripple  Creek  Short  Line,  they  could 
much  more  easily  elude  their  pursuers.  If,  when 
west  of  Cheyenne  Mountain  the  Utes  found  their 
enemies  gaining  upon  them,  they  would  start  a 
timber  fire  to  cover  their  retreat.  These  fires 
would,  of  course,  spread  indefinitely  and  ruin 
immense  tracts  of  timber.  This  is  doubtless  one 
of  the  principal  reasons  why  our  mountainsides 
are  so  nearly  denuded  of  their  original  growth 
of  trees.  These  horse-stealing  raids  were  no  un- 
common occurrence.  Colonel  Dodge,  in  his  book 
Our  Wild  Indians,  tells  of  one  made  by  the  Utes 
in  1874,  which  was  daring  as  well  as  successful. 
He  says : 

A  mixed  band  of  some  fifteen  hundred  Sioux  and 
Cheyennes,  hunting  in  1874,  went  well  up  on  the  head- 
waters of  the  Republican  River  in  search  of  buffalo. 
The  Utes  found  them  out  and  a  few  warriors  slipped 
into  their  camp  during  the  night,  stampeded  their 
ponies  at  daylight,  and  in  spite  of  the  hot  pursuit 
of  the  Sioux,  reached  the  mountains  with  over  two 
hundred  head. 

Ruxton  frequently  mentions  the  Ute  Pass,  and 
states  that  it  was  the  principal  line  of  travel  to 
and  from  the  South  Park  for  all  the  Indian  tribes 
of  this  region  at  the  time  of  his  arrival,  as  well  as 
previous  thereto. 


48      Trails,  Mineral  Springs,  Game 

There  was  another  much-used  trail  into  the 
South  Park  which  entered  the  mountains  near  the 
present  town  of  Canon  City.  It  led  in  a  north- 
westerly direction  from  the  latter  place,  and 
reached  the  South  Park  proper  near  Hartsell 
Hot  Springs.  This  route  was  used  by  the  Indians 
occupying  the  country  along  the  Arkansas  River 
and  to  the  south  of  it.  In  addition  to  the  two 
principal  trails,  there  were  others  of  lesser  note, 
as,  for  example,  that  over  the  north  end  of  Chey- 
enne Mountain,  and  one  west  of  the  present 
town  of  Monument;  but  these  were  difficult  and 
were  not  used  to  any  great  extent. 

In  1806,  Lieutenant  Pike  attempted  to  lead  his 
exploring  expedition  over  the  Canon  City  trail, 
but  evidently  had  a  very  poor  guide,  and,  as  a 
result,  lost  his  way  very  soon  after  leaving  the 
Arkansas  River.  They  wandered  about  through 
the  low  mountains  west  of  the  present  mining 
camp  of  Cripple  Creek,  and  finally  reached  the 
Platte  near  the  west  end  of  Eleven-Mile  Canon 
where  the  river  emerges  from  the  South  Park. 
He  mentions  having  found  near  that  point  a 
recently  abandoned  Indian  camp  which  he  esti- 
mates must  have  been  occupied  by  at  least  three 
thousand  Indians. 

Thomas  J.  Farnham,  on  his  way  to  Oregon  in 


Trails,  Mineral  Springs,  Game      49 

1839,  passed  through  the  South  Park,  reaching  it 
from  the  Arkansas  River  by  the  trail  already  de- 
scribed. He  tells  of  his  trip,  in  a  rudely  bound 
little  book  of  minutely  fine  print,  published  in 
1843.  In  recounting  his  journey  from  the  Arkan- 
sas River  to  the  South  Park,  he  frequently  men- 
tions James  Peak  as  being  to  the  east  of  the  route 
he  was  traveling.  Previously,  when  encamped  on 
the  Arkansas  River,  below  the  mouth  of  the  Fon- 
taine qui  Bouille,  he  speaks  of  the  latter  stream  as 
heading  in  James  Peak,  eighty  miles  to  the  north- 
west; he  also  states  that  one  of  the  branches  of 
the  Huerfano  originates  in  Pike's  Peak,  seventy  to 
eighty  miles  to  the  south.  This  brings  to  mind  the 
fact  that  previous  to  about  1840  the  peak  that  we 
now  know  as  Pike's  Peak  was  known  as  James 
Peak.  Major  S.  H.  Long,  who  was  in  command 
of  the  expedition  that  explored  the  Pike's  Peak 
region  in  1820,  gave  it  this  name  in  honor  of  Dr. 
James,  who  is  supposed  to  have  been  the  first 
white  man  to  ascend  it.  After  about  1840,  this 
name  was  gradually  dropped  and  Pike's  Peak  was 
substituted. 

Parnham  was  very  much  pleased  with  the  South 
Park,  and  says  of  it,  after  describing  its  streams, 
valleys,  and  rocky  ridges: 

This  is  a  bird's-eye  view  of  Bayou  Salado,  so  named 


50      Trails,  Mineral  Springs,  Game 

from  the  circumstance  that  native  rock  salt  is  found 
in  some  parts  of  it.  We  were  in  the  central  portion 
of  it.  To  the  north  and  south  and  west  its  isolated 
plains  rise  one  above  another,  always  beautiful  and 
covered  with  verdure  during  the  months  of  spring  and 
summer.  A  sweet  spot  this,  for  the  romance  of  the 
future  as  well  as  of  the  present  and  past.  The 
buffalo  have  for  ages  resorted  here  about  the  last  days 
of  July  from  the  arid  plains  of  the  Arkansas  and 
the  Platte;  and  hither  the  Utes,  Cheyennes  and 
Arapahoes,  Black  Feet,  Crows  and  Sioux  of  the  north, 
have  for  ages  met  and  hunted  and  fought  and  loved, 
and  when  their  battles  and  hunts  were  interrupted 
by  the  chills  and  snows  of  November,  they  separated 
for  their  several  winter  resorts. 

How  wild  and  beautiful  the  past,  as  it  comes  up 
fledged  >with  the  rich  plumage  of  the  imagination! 
These  vales,  studded  with  a  thousand  villages  of 
conical  skin  wigwams,  with  their  thousands  of  fires 
blazing  on  the  starry  brow  of  night !  I  see  the  dusky 
forms  crouching  around  the  glowing  piles  of  ignited 
logs,  in  family  groups,  whispering  the  dreams  of  their 
rude  love,  or  gathered  around  the  stalwart  form  of 
some  noble  chief  at  the  hour  of  midnight,  listening  to 
the  harangue  of  vengeance  or  the  whoop  of  war  that 
is  to  cast  the  deadly  arrow  with  the  first  gleam  of 
morning  light. 

Or,  may  we  not  see  them  gathered,  a  circle  of  old 
braves,  around  an  aged  tree,  surrounded  each  by  the 
musty  trophies  of  half  a  century's  daring  deeds.  The 
eldest  and  richest  in  scalps  rises  from  the  center  of 
the  ring  and  advances  to  the  tree.  Hear  him ! 

"Fifty  winters  ago  when  the  seventh  moon's  first 
horn  hung  over  the  green  forests  of  the  Ute  hills,  myself 


Trails,  Mineral  Springs,  Game      51 

and  five  others  erected  a  lodge  for  the  Great  Spirit 
on  the  snows  of  the  White  Butte  and  carried  there  our 
wampum  and  skins,  and  the  hide  of  a  white  buffalo. 
We  hung  them  in  the  Great  Spirit's  lodge  and  seated 
ourselves  in  silence  till  the  moon  had  descended  the 
western  mountain,  and  thought  of  the  blood  of  our 
fathers  that  the  Comanches  had  killed  when  the  moon 
was  round  and  lay  on  the  eastern  plains.  My  own 
father  was  scalped,  and  the  fathers  of  five  others  were 
scalped,  and  their  bloody  heads  were  gnawed  by  the 
wolf.  We  could  not  live  while  our  father's  lodges  were 
empty  and  the  scalps  of  their  murderers  were  not  in 
the  lodges  of  our  mothers.  Our  hearts  told  us  to 
make  these  offerings  to  the  Great  Spirit  who  had 
fostered  them  on  the  mountains,  and  when  the  moon 
was  down  and  the  shadows  of  the  White  Butte  were 
as  dark  as  the  hair  of  a  bear,  we  said  to  the  Great 
Spirit:  'No  man  can  war  with  the  arrows  from  the 
quiver  of  thy  storms.  No  man's  word  can  be  heard 
when  thy  voice  is  among  the  clouds.  No  man's  hand 
is  strong  when  thy  hand  lets  loose  the  wind.  The 
wolf  gnaws  the  heads  of  our  fathers  and  the  scalps  of 
their  murderers  hang  not  in  the  lodges  of  our  mothers. 
Great  Father  Spirit,  send  not  thine  anger  out. 
Hold  in  thy  hand  the  winds.  Let  not  thy  great  voice 
drown  the  death  yell  while  we  hunt  the  murderers 
of  our  fathers.'  I  and  the  five  others  then  built 
in  the  middle  of  the  lodge  a  fire,  and  in  its  bright  light 
the  Great  Spirit  saw  the  wampum  and  the  skins  and 
the  white  buffalo  hide.  Five  days  and  nights  I  and 
five  others  danced  and  smoked  the  medicine  and  beat 
the  board  with  sticks  and  chanted  away  the  powers 
of  the  great  Medicine  Men,  that  they  might  not  be 
evil  to  us  and  bring  sickness  into  our  bones.  Then 


52       Trails,  Mineral  Springs,  Game 

when  the  stars  were  shining  in  the  clear  sky,  we  swore 
(I  must  not  tell  what,  for  it  was  in  the  ear  of  the  Great 
Spirit),  and  went  out  of  the  lodge  with  our  bosoms 
full  of  anger  against  the  murderers  of  our  fathers  whose 
bones  were  in  the  jaws  of  the  wolf  and  went  for  their 
scalps,  to  hang  them  in  the  lodges  of  our  mothers." 
See  him  strike  the  aged  tree  with  his  war- club;  again, 
again,  nine  times.  "So  many  Comanches  did  I  slay, 
the  murderers  of  my  father,  before  the  moon  was  round 
again  and  lay  upon  the  eastern  plains. " 

Farnham,  continuing,  says: 

This  is  not  merely  an  imaginary  scene  of  former 
times  in  the  Bayou  Sal  ado.  All  the  essential  incidents 
related  happened  yearly  in  that  and  other  hunting- 
grounds,  whenever  the  old  braves  assembled  to  cele- 
brate valorous  deeds  of  their  younger  days.  When 
these  exciting  relations  were  finished,  the  young  men  of 
the  tribe  who  had  not  yet  distinguished  themselves 
were  exhorted  to  seek  glory  in  a  similar  way ;  and  woe 
to  him  who  passed  his  manhood  without  ornamenting 
the  door  of  his  lodge  with  the  scalps  of  his  enemies. 

This  valley  is  still  frequented  by  these  Indians  as 
a  summer  haunt,  when  the  heat  of  the  plains  renders 
them  uncomfortable.  The  Utes  were  scouring  it 
when  we  passed.  Our  guide  informed  us  that  the 
Utes  reside  on  both  sides  of  the  mountains, — that 
they  are  continually  migrating  from  one  side  to  the 
other, — that  they  speak  the  Spanish  language, — that 
some  few  half-breeds  have  embraced  the  Catholic 
faith, — that  the  remainder  yet  hold  the  simple  and 
sublime  faith  of  their  forefathers,  in  the  existence  of 
one  great,  creating,  and  sustaining  Cause,  mingled 


Trails,  Mineral  Springs,  Game      53 

with  the  belief  in  the  ghostly  visitations  of  their  de- 
ceased Medicine  Men,  or  Diviners ; — that  they  number 
one  thousand  families. 

Pie  also  stated  that  the  Cheyennes  were  less  brave 
and  more  thievish  than  any  of  the  other  tribes  living 
on  the  plains. 

Farnham's  description  of  the  incantations 
practiced  by  the  Utes  is  in  the  main  probably 
true;  the  information  on  which  it  was  based  was 
doubtless  obtained  from  his  guide. 

Ruxton  tells  of  the  use  of  the  trail  west  of  the 
present  town  of  Monument  by  a  war-party  of 
Arapahoes  on  their  way  to  the  South  Park  to 
fight  the  Utes.  In  the  night  the  band  had  sur- 
prised a  small  company  of  trappers  on  the  head  of 
Bijou  Creek,  killing  four  of  them  and  capturing 
all  of  their  horses.  The  following  morning  two 
of  the  trappers,  one  of  whom  was  slightly  wounded, 
started  in  pursuit  of  the  Indians,  intending  if 
possible  to  recover  their  animals.  They  followed 
the  trail  of  the  Indians  to  a  point  in  the  neighbor- 
hood of  the  present  town  of  Monument  where  they 
found  that  the  band  had  divided,  the  larger 
party,  judging  from  the  direction  taken,  evidently 
intending  to  enter  the  mountains  by  way  of  Ute 
Pass.  The  other  party,  having  all  the  loose  ani- 
mals, started  across  the  mountains  by  the  pass  to 


54      Trails,  Mineral  Springs,  Game 

the  west  of  Monument,  probably  hoping  to  get 
the  better  of  the  Utes  by  coming  in  from  two 
different  directions.  The  trappers  followed  the 
latter  party  across  the  first  mountains  where  they 
found  their  stolen  animals  in  charge  of  three 
Indians.  The  trappers  surprised  and  killed  all 
three  of  them,  recaptured  their  animals,  and 
then  hurried  on  to  the  Utes,  giving  such  timely 
warning  as  enabled  them  to  defeat  the  Arapahoes 
in  a  very  decisive  manner. 

The  battles  in  the  South  Park  and  on  the  plains 
between  the  contending  tribes  were  seldom  of  a 
very  sanguinary  nature.  If  the  attacking  Indians 
happened  to  find  their  enemies  on  level  ground, 
they  would  circle  around  them  just  out  of  gunshot 
at  first,  gradually  coming  closer,  all  the  time 
lying  on  the  outside  and  shooting  from  under  the 
necks  of  their  ponies.  These  ponies  were  gener- 
ally the  best  that  the  tribe  afforded  and  were  not 
often  used  except  for  purposes  of  war.  While 
engaged  in  battle,  the  Indians  seldom  used  saddles, 
and  in  place  of  bridles  had  merely  a  piece  of 
plaited  buffalo-hide  rope,  tied  around  the  under 
jaw  of  the  pony.  If  the  defending  party  was 
located  in  a  fairly  good  defensive  position,  the 
battle  consisted  of  groups  of  the  attacking  party 
dashing  in,  firing,  and  then  dashing  out  again. 


Trails,  Mineral  Springs,  Game      55 

This  was  kept  up  until  a  few  warriors  had  been 
killed  or  wounded  and  a  few  scalps  had  been 
taken;  then  the  battle  was  over,  one  side  or  the 
other  retreating.  With  an  Indian,  it  was  a  waste 
of  time  to  kill  an  enemy  unless  his  scalp  was  taken, 
as  that  was  the  evidence  necessary  to  prove  the 
prowess  of  the  warrior.  Engagements  of  the 
kind  I  have  mentioned  have  occurred  in  almost 
every  valley  in  and  around  the  South  Park  at 
some  time  during  the  hundreds  of  years  of  warfare 
that  was  carried  on  in  that  region. 

Fremont,  on  his  return  trip  from  California, 
during  his  second  exploring  expedition,  crossed 
the  Rocky  Mountains  by  way  of  Middle  Park, 
then  across  South  Park,  reaching  the  Arkansas 
River  near  the  present  town  of  Canon  City.  On 
his  way  through  the  South  Park  he  witnessed  one 
of  these  battles,  in  describing  which  he  says : 

In  the  evening  a  band  of  buffalo  furnished  a  little 
excitement  by  charging  through  our  camp.  On  the 
following  day  we  descended  the  stream  by  an  excellent 
buffalo  trail  along  the  open  grassy  bottom  of  the  river. 
On  our  right,  the  Bayou  was  bordered  by  a  mountain- 
ous range  crested  with  rocky  and  naked  peaks,  and 
below  it  had  a  beautiful  parklike  character  of  pretty, 
level  prairies,  interspersed  among  low  spurs,  wooded 
openly  with  pine  and  quaking  asps,  contrasting  well 
with  the  denser  pines  which  swept  around  on  the 


56      Trails,  Mineral  Springs,  Game 

mountainous  sides.  Descending  always  the  valley 
of  the  stream,  towards  noon  we  descried  a  mounted 
party  descending  the  point  of  a  spur,  and  judging  them 
to  be  Arapahoes — who,  defeated  or  victorious,  were 
equally  dangerous  to  us,  and  with  whom  a  fight  would 
be  inevitable — we  hurried  to  post  ourselves  as  strongly 
as  possible  on  some  willow  islands  in  the  river.  We 
had  scarcely  halted  when  they  arrived,  proving  to  be 
a  party  of  Ute  women,  who  told  us  that  on  the  other 
side  of  the  ridge  their  village  was  fighting  with  the 
Arapahoes.  As  soon  as  they  had  given  us  this 
information,  they  filled  the  air  with  cries  and  lamen- 
tations, which  made  us  understand  that  some  of  their 
chiefs  had  been  killed. 

Extending  along  the  river  directly  ahead  of  us  was 
a  low  piny  ridge,  leaving  between  it  and  the  stream 
a  small  open  bottom  on  which  the  Utes  had  very 
injudiciously  placed  their  village,  which,  according  to 
the  women,  numbered  about  three  hundred  warriors. 
Advancing  in  the  cover  of  the  pines,  the  Arapahoes, 
about  daylight,  charged  into  the  village,  driving  off  a 
great  number  of  their  horses,  and  killing  four  men, 
among  them  the  principal  chief  of  the  village.  They 
drove  the  horses  perhaps  a  mile  beyond  the  village  to 
the  end  of  a  hollow  where  they  had  previously  forted 
at  the  edge  of  the  pines.  Here  the  Utes  had  instantly 
attacked  them  in  turn,  and,  according  to  the  report  of 
the  women,  were  getting  rather  the  best  of  the  day. 
The  women  pressed  us  eagerly  to  join  with  their 
people,  and  would  immediately  have  provided  us  with 
the  best  horses  at  the  village,  but  it  was  not  for  us  to 
interfere  in  such  a  conflict.  Neither  party  were  our 
friends  or  under  our  protection,  and  each  was  ready  to 
prey  upon  us  that  could.  But  we  could  not  help  feel- 


Trails,  Mineral  Springs,  Game      57 

ing  an  unusual  excitement  at  being  within  a  few 
hundred  yards  of  a  fight  in  which  five  hundred  men 
were  closely  engaged,  and  hearing  the  sharp  cracks 
of  their  rifles.  We  were  in  a  bad  position  and  subject 
to  be  attacked  in  it.  Either  party  which  we  might 
meet,  victorious  or  defeated,  was  certain  to  fall  upon 
us,  and  gearing  up  immediately,  we  kept  close  along 
the  pines  of  the  ridge,  having  it  between  us  and  the 
village,  and  keeping  the  scouts  on  the  summit  to 
give  us  notice  of  the  approach  of  the  Indians.  As  we 
passed  by  the  village  which  was  immediately  below 
us,  horsemen  were  galloping  to  and  fro,  and  groups  of 
people  were  gathered  around  those  who  were  wounded 
and  dead  and  who  were  being  brought  in  from  the 
field. 

We  continued  to  press  on,  and  crossing  another 
fork  which  came  in  from  the  right,  after  having  made 
fifteen  miles  from  the  village,  fortified  ourselves 
strongly  in  the  pines  a  short  distance  from  the  river. 

During  the  afternoon  Pike's  Peak  had  been  plainly 
in  view  before  us  and  from  our  encampment  bore 
north  87°  east  by  compass.  This  was  a  familiar  object, 
and  it  had  for  us  the  face  of  an  old  friend.  At  its 
foot  were  the  springs  where  we  had  spent  a  pleasant 
day  in  coming  out. 

In  1859,  a  battle  between  the  Utes  on  the  one 
side,  and  the  Cheyennes,  Arapahoes,  and  Sioux  on 
the  other,  was  fought  six  miles  north  of  Colorado 
City,  in  the  valley  now  occupied  by  the  Modern 
Woodmen's  Home.  There  were  several  hundred 
warriors  on  each  side  and  the  battle  was  of  unusual 


5$      Trails,  Mineral  Springs,  Game 

duration,  continuing  for  almost  an  entire  day. 
The  Utes  were  finally  victorious  and  drove  their 
enemies  back  to  the  plains. 

Until  1864,  every  spring  after  the  white  settlers 
came  into  this  region,  war-parties  of  Cheyennes, 
Arapahoes,  and  Sioux  would  come  trailing  in  from 
the  plains,  pass  through  Colorado  City,  stopping 
long  enough  to  beg  food  from  the  families  living 
near  the  line  of  their  march  and  then  go  on  to  the 
soda  springs;  here  they  would  tarry  long  enough 
to  make  an  offering  to  the  Great  Spirit  who  was 
supposed  to  be  manifest  in  the  bubbling  waters, 
and  then  follow,  in  single  file,  up  the  Ute  Pass 
trail  into  the  South  Park,  where  they  would  scout 
around  until  they  had  found  a  band  of  Utes.  If 
they  succeeded  in  surprising  the  latter,  they  would 
probably  come  back  with  a  lot  of  extra  ponies  and 
sometimes  with  captured  squaws  and  children,  in 
which  case  they  would  exhibit  a  jubilant  air;  but 
at  other  times  on  their  return,  they  would  present 
such  a  dejected  appearance  that  one  could  readily 
surmise  that  they  had  suffered  defeat.  These 
annual  visits  were  discontinued  after  the  tribes 
became  involved  in  warfare  with  the  whites. 

Referring  again  to  the  mineral  springs  at  Mani- 
tou,  I  quote  from  Col.  R.  B.  Marcy,  of  the  United 
States  Army,  who,  with  his  command,  camped 


Trails,  Mineral  Springs,  Game      59 

there  during  the  whole  of  the  month  of  April, 
1858.  He  tells  not  only  of  the  springs  and  the 
game  of  that  neighborhood,  but  of  a  frightful 
snowstorm  that  delayed  them,  near  Eastonville 
in  El  Paso  County,  for  several  days  at  the  begin- 
ning of  the  following  month.  He  says: 

Having  accomplished  the  objects  of  my  mission  to 
New  Mexico,  by  procuring  animals  and  other  supplies 
sufficient  to  enable  the  troops  at  Fort  Bridger  to  make 
an  early  march  into  Salt  Lake  Valley,  I,  on  the  I5th 
day  of  March,  left  Fort  Union  on  my  return  for  Utah, 
intending  to  pass  around  the  eastern  base  of  the 
mountains  near  Pike's  Peak  and  the  headwaters  of 
the  Arkansas  and  Platte  rivers,  following  the  Cherokee 
trail  from  the  Cache  la  Poudre.  The  command  was 
well  organized,  and  we  made  rapid  progress  for  about 
two  hundred  and  fifty  miles,  when,  on  the  27th  of 
March,  I  received  an  order  from  the  General  in 
Command  in  New  Mexico,  to  halt  and  await  rein- 
forcements. I  was  obliged  to  obey  the  order  and  went 
into  camp  upon  the  headwaters  of  a  small  tributary 
of  the  Arkansas,  called  Fontaine  qui  Bouille,  directly 
at  the  foot  of  Pike's  Peak  and  near  a  very  peculiar 
spring  which  gives  the  name  to  the  stream. 

This  beautiful  fountain  issues  from  the  center  of 
a  basin,  or  rather  bowl,  about  six  feet  in  diameter, 
and  throws  out  a  column  of  water  near  the  size  of  a 
man's  arm.  The  receptacle,  which  is  constantly 
filled  but  never  runs  over,  seems  to  have  been  formed 
by  the  deposit  of  salts  from  the  water,  and  is  as 
perfectly  symmetrical  and  round  as  if  it  had  been  cut 


60       Trails,  Mineral  Springs,  Game 

out  with  a  chisel.  As  the  fountain  is  constantly 
playing  and  never  overflows,  it  of  course  has  a  sub- 
terranean outlet.  The  most  remarkable  feature, 
however,  in  the  Fontaine  qui  Bouille,  is  the  peculiar 
taste  of  the  water.  It  is  pungent  and  sparkling  and 
somewhat  similar  in  taste  to  the  water  from  the  Con- 
gress spring  at  Saratoga,  but  sweeter,  and  to  my 
palate  pleasanter.  We  drank  it  every  day  in  large 
quantities  without  perceiving  any  ill  effect  from  it, 
and  the  men  made  use  of  it  instead  of  yeast  in  raising 
their  bread,  which  induced  the  belief  that  it  contained 
soda  or  some  other  alkali. 

The  Indians  believe  it  to  possess  some  mysterious 
powers,  the  purport  of  which  I  could  not  learn,  but 
there  were  a  great  many  arrows,  pieces  of  cloth,  and 
other  articles  that  they  had  deposited  in  the  spring, 
probably  as  an  offering  to  the  Big  Medicine  Genius 
that  presided  over  it.  We  remained  at  this  place  a 
month,  during  which  time  we  amused  ourselves  in 
hunting  elk,  mountain  sheep,  and  blacktail  deer,  all 
of  which  were  very  abundant  in  the  surrounding 
country,  and  our  larder  was  constantly  supplied  with 
the  most  delicious  game. 

I  remember  that  one  morning  just  at  daybreak,  I 
was  awakened  by  my  servant,  who  told  me  there  was 
a  large  herd  of  elk  in  close  proximity  to  the  camp.  I 
ran  out  as  soon  as  possible  and  saw  at  least  five  hun- 
dred of  these  magnificent  animals,  drawn  up  in  line 
like  a  troop  of  cavalry  horses,  with  their  heads  all 
turned  in  the  same  direction,  and  from  the  crest  of  a 
high  projecting  cliff,  looking  in  apparent  wonder  and 
bewilderment  directly  down  upon  us.  It  was  to  me 
a  most  novel  and  interesting  spectacle.  The  noise 
made  in  the  camp  soon  frightened  them,  however, 


Ouray 
Chief  of  the  Utes 


Trails,  Mineral  Springs,  Game      61 

and  they  started  for  the  mountains.  They  were  pur- 
sued for  some  distance  by  our  hunters,  who  succeeded 
in  killing  six  before  they  escaped. 

On  the  3Oth  day  of  April,  our  reinforcements  having 
joined  us,  we  gladly  resumed  our  march  for  Utah,  and 
at  about  one  o'clock  encamped  upon  the  ridge  that 
divides  the  Arkansas  from  the  Platte  rivers.  The  day 
was  bright,  cheerful,  and  pleasant,  the  atmosphere  soft, 
balmy,  and  delightful.  The  fresh  grass  was  about  six 
inches  high.  The  trees  had  put  forth  their  new  leaves 
and  all  nature  conspired  in  giving  evidence  that  the 
somber  garb  of  winter  had  been  cast  aside  for  the  more 
verdant  and  smiling  attire  of  spring.  Our  large  herds 
of  animals  were  turned  out  to  graze  upon  the  tender 
and  nutritious  grass  that  everywhere  abounded.  Our 
men  were  enjoying  their  social  jokes  and  pastimes 
after  the  fatigues  of  the  day's  march  and  everything 
indicated  contentment  and  happiness.  This  pleasant 
state  of  things  lasted  until  near  sunset,  when  the  wind 
suddenly  changed  into  the  north.  It  turned  cold  and 
soon  commenced  snowing  violently,  and  continued  to 
increase  until  it  became  a  frightful  winter  tempest, 
filling  the  atmosphere  with  a  dense  cloud  of  driving 
snow,  against  which  it  was  utterly  impossible  to  ride 
or  walk.  Soon  after  the  storm  set  in,  one  of  our 
herds  of  three  hundred  horses  and  mules  broke  furi- 
ously away  from  the  herdsmen  who  were  guarding 
them,  and  in  spite  of  their  utmost  efforts,  ran  at  full 
speed  directly  with  the  wind  for  fifty  miles  before  they 
stopped.  Three  of  the  herdsmen  followed  them  as 
far  as  they  were  able,  but  soon  became  exhausted, 
bewildered,  and  lost  on  the  prairie.  One  of  them 
succeeded  in  finding  his  way  back  to  camp  in  a  state 
of  great  prostration  and  suffering.  One  of  the  others 


62       Trails,  Mineral  Springs,  Game 

was  found  frozen  to  death  in  the  snow,  and  the  third 
was  discovered  crawling  about  upon  his  hands  and 
knees  in  a  state  of  temporary  delirium,  after  the 
tempest  subsided.  This  terrific  storm  exceeded  in 
violence  and  duration  anything  of  the  kind  our  eldest 
mountaineer  had  ever  beheld.  It  continued  with 
uninterrupted  fury  for  sixty  consecutive  hours  and 
during  this  time  it  was  impossible  to  move  for  any 
distance  facing  the  wind  and  snow.  One  of  our  em- 
ployes who  went  out  about  two  hundred  yards  from 
the  camp,  set  out  to  return,  but  was  unable  to  do  so 
and  perished  in  the  attempt.  Several  antelope  were 
found  frozen  upon  the  prairie  after  the  storm.  .  .  . 
At  the  termination  of  this  frightful  tempest,  there 
was  about  three  feet  of  snow  upon  the  ground,  but 
the  warm  rays  of  the  sun  soon  melted  it,  and  after 
collecting  together  our  stampeded  animals,  we  again 
set  forward  for  Utah  and  on  the  third  day  following, 
struck  the  South  Platte  at  its  confluence  with  Cherry 
Creek.  There  was  at  that  time  but  one  white  man 
living  within  one  hundred  and  fifty  miles  of  the  place, 
and  he  was  an  Indian  trader  named  Jack  Audeby, 
on  the  Arkansas. 

A  year  later,  after  the  Pike's  Peak  mining  excite- 
ment had  started,  Marcy  issued  a  handbook  for 
overland  expeditions,  in  which  he  says,  referring 
to  a  point  at  the  mouth  of  Monument  Creek, 
which  he  calls  the  forks  of  the  Fontaine  qui 
Bouille: 

The  road  to  Cherry  Creek  here  leaves  the  Fontaine 
qui  Bouille  and  bears  to  the  right.  There  is  a  large 


Trails,  Mineral  Springs,  Game      63 

Indian  trail  which  crosses  the  main  creek  and  takes  a 
northwesterly  course  towards  Pike's  Peak.  By  going 
up  this  trail  about  two  miles,  a  mineral  spring  will  be 
found  which  gives  the  stream  its  name  of  "The  Foun- 
tain that  Boils. "  This  spring,  or  rather  these  springs, 
for  there  are  two,  both  of  which  boil  up  out  of  the 
solid  rock,  are  among  the  greatest  natural  curiosities 
that  1  have  ever  seen.  The  water  is  strongly  impreg- 
nated with  salts,  but  is  delightful  to  the  taste  and 
somewhat  similar  to  the  Congress  water.  It  will  well 
compensate  one  for  the  trouble  of  visiting  it. 

Marcy  claims  that  while  waiting  at  the  mouth  of 
Cherry  Creek  for  a  ferry-boat  to  be  constructed 
to  take  them  over  the  Platte  River,  which  was 
very  high  at  the  time,  one  of  his  employees  washed 
a  small  amount  of  gold  dust  from  the  sands  of 
Cherry  Creek.  This  employee  was  discharged  soon 
after  and  went  direct  to  St.  Louis,  where  he  told 
of  his  discovery,  and  Marcy  claims  that  this  was 
the  beginning  of  the  mining  excitement  in  the 
Pike's  Peak  region.  This  is  different  from  other 
versions  of  the  event,  the  most  probable  of  which 
is  that  the  discovery  of  gold  was  first  made  by  the 
semi-civilized  Cherokee  Indians  on  their  way  to 
California. 

What  was  known  as  the  old  Cherokee  trail 
came  up  the  Arkansas  River  to  a  point  about 
twelve  miles  below  the  mouth  of  the  Fontaine 
qui  Bouille.  From  that  place  it  ran  in  a  north- 


64       Trails,  Mineral  Springs,  Game 

westerly  direction  across  the  hills,  striking  that 
creek  about  eight  or  ten  miles  above  its  mouth; 
thence  up  the  valley  of  the  Fontaine  to  a  point 
near  the  present  town  of  Fountain;  turning 
northerly  by  the  way  of  Jimmy's  Camp  to  the 
head  of  Cherry  Creek,  and  down  Cherry  Creek  to 
its  mouth,  where  Denver  now  stands.  From  this 
place,  after  running  northerly  along  the  base  of  the 
mountains  for  a  considerable  distance,  it  struck 
across  the  mountains  through  Bridger's  Pass, 
and  then  turned  westerly  along  the  usual  traveled 
road  to  California.  This  trail  was  used  by  the 
first  gold-seeking  parties  which  came  to  the  present 
State  of  Colorado  in  1858.  The  first  of  these 
parties  arrived  at  Cherry  Creek  only  about  two 
months  after  Marcy  left.  The  second  party 
followed  a  week  or  two  later,  and  the  third  party, 
of  which  Anthony  Bott,  of  Colorado  City,  was  a 
member,  was  close  behind  it.  Members  of  this 
third  party  explored  the  region  around  where 
Colorado  City  now  stands,  and  later,  with  some 
others,  returned  and  laid  out  the  town. 

In  1859,  occurred  the  memorable  visit  of  Horace 
Greeley  to  the  Pike's  Peak  region.  He  arrived 
in  Denver,  June  i6th,  having  come  by  the  Smoky 
Hill  route.  Writing  from  Denver,  he  says,  among 
other  things : 


Trails,  Mineral  Springs,  Game      65 

I  have  been  passing,  meeting,  observing,  and  trying 
to  converse  with  Indians,  almost  ever  since  I  crossed 
the  Missouri  River.  Eastern  Kansas  is  checkered  with 
their  reservations, — Delaware,  Kaw,  Ottawa,  Osage, 
Kickapoo,  Potawatamie,  while  the  buffalo  range  and 
all  this  side  belong  to,  and  are  parceled  among 
the  Cheyennes,  the  Arapahoes,  and  the  Apaches, 
or  perhaps  among  the  two  former  only,  as  Indian 
boundaries  are  not  well  defined.  At  all  events,  we 
have  met  or  passed  bands  of  these  three  tribes,  with 
occasional  visitors  from  the  Sioux  on  the  north,  and 
the  Comanches  on  the  south,  all  these  tribes  having 
for  the  present  a  good  understanding.  The  Utes 
who  inhabit  the  mountains  are  stronger  and  braver 
than  any  one  of  the  three  tribes  first  named,  though 
hardly  a  match  for  them  all,  are  at  war  with  them. 
The  Arapahoe  Chief,  Left  Hand,  assures  me  that  his 
people  were  always  at  war  with  the  Utes;  at  least 
he  has  no  recollection,  no  tradition,  of  a  time  when 
they  were  at  peace.  Some  two  or  three  hundred 
lodges  of  Arapahoes  are  encamped  in  and  about  this 
log  city,  calculating  that  the  presence  of  the  whites 
will  afford  some  protection  to  their  wives  and  chil- 
dren against  a  Ute  onslaught,  while  the  braves  are  off 
on  any  of  their  fighting — that  is  stealing — expedi- 
tions. An  equal  or  larger  body  of  Utes  are  camped 
in  the  mountains  some  forty  or  fifty  miles  west,  and 
the  Arapahoe  warriors  recently  returned  in  triumph 
from  a  war  party  on  which  they  managed  to  steal 
about  one  hundred  horses  from  the  Utes,  but  were 
obliged  to  kill  most  of  them  in  their  rapid  flight  so 
that  they  only  brought  home  forty  more  than  they 
took  away.  They  are  going  out  again  in  a  day  or  two, 
and  have  been  for  some  days  practicing  secret  in- 

5 


66       Trails,  Mineral  Springs,  Game 

cantations  and  public  observances  with  reference 
thereto.  Last  midnight  they  were  to  have  had  a  great 
war  dance  and  to  have  left  on  the  warpath  to-day,  but 
their  men  sent  out  after  their  horses  reported  that  they 
saw  three  Utes  on  the  plain,  which  was  regarded  as 
premonitory  of  an  attack,  and  the  braves  stood  to  their 
arms  all  night  and  were  very  anxious  for  white  aid  in 
case  of  the  Ute  foray  on  their  lodges  here  in  Denver. 
Such  an  attack  seems  very  improbable  and  I  presume 
the  three  Utes  who  caused  all  this  uproar  were  simply 
scouts  or  spies  on  the  watch  for  just  such  marauding 
surprise  parties  as  our  Arapahoe  neighbors  are  con- 
stantly meditating.  I  do  not  see  why  they  need  to 
take  even  this  trouble.  There  are  points  on  the 
mountain  range  west  of  this  city,  where  a  watchman 
with  sharp  eyes  and  a  good  glass  could  command  the 
entire  plain  for  fifty  miles  north,  south,  and  east  of  him, 
and  might  hence  give  intelligence  of  any  Arapahoe 
raid  at  least  a  day  before  a  brave  entered  the  mountains ; 
for  though  it  is  true  that  Indians  on  the  warpath  travel 
or  ride  mainly  by  night,  I  find  that  the  Arapahoes  do 
this  only  after  they  have  entered  on  what  they  con- 
sider disputed  or  dangerous  ground;  that  they  start 
from  their  lodges  in  open  day  and  only  advance  under 
cover  of  darkness  after  they  are  within  the  shadows 
of  the  mountains.  Hence  the  Utes,  who  are  con- 
fessedly the  stronger,  might  ambush  and  destroy  any 
Arapahoe  force  that  should  venture  into  their  Rocky 
Mountain  recesses,  by  the  help  of  a  good  spy-glass 
and  a  little  "white  forecast";  but  the  Indians  are 
children.  Their  arts,  wars,  treaties,  alliances,  habita- 
tions, crafts,  properties,  commerce,  comforts,  all  be- 
long to  the  very  lowest  and  rudest  ages  of  human 
existence.  Any  band  of  schoolboys  from  ten  to  fif- 


Trails,  Mineral  Springs,  Game      67 

teen  years  of  age  are  quite  as  capable  of  ruling  their 
appetites,  devising  and  upholding  a  public  policy, 
constituting  and  conducting  a  state  or  community,  as 
the  average  Indian  tribe. 

I  have  learned  to  appreciate  better  than  hitherto, 
and  to  make  more  allowance  for  the  dislike,  aversion, 
and  contempt  wherewith  Indians  are  usually  regarded 
by  their  white  neighbors,  and  have  been  since  the 
days  of  the  Puritans.  It  needs  but  little  familiarity 
with  the  actual,  palpable  aborigines,  to  convince 
anyone  that  the  poetical  Indian — the  Indian  of 
Cooper  and  Longfellow — is  only  visible  to  the  poet's 
eye. 

The  Utes  seldom  visited  Colorado  City  and  the 
region  round  about  in  the  early  days,  except  in  the 
winter,  which  was  the  only  time  they  could  do 
so  with  a  fair  degree  of  safety.  A  majority  of 
the  tribe  had  been  on  friendly  terms  with  the 
English-speaking  people  from  the  time  of  their 
earliest  contact  with  that  race.  It  is  true  that 
straggling  bands  of  Utes  occasionally  committed 
acts  of  depredation,  and  such  bands  on  one  or 
two  occasions  killed  white  people,  but  these  acts 
were  not  approved  by  the  majority  of  the  tribe. 

One  of  these  exceptions  occurred  on  Christmas 
day,  1854,  at  Fort  Napesta,  on  the  present  site 
of  the  city  of  Pueblo.  It  is  said  that  the  men  who 
occupied  the  fort  were  celebrating  the  day  with 
the  liquid  that  both  cheers  and  inebriates,  and  in 


68       Trails,  Mineral  Springs,  Game 

the  midst  of  their  jollity,  a  band  of  wandering 
Utes  came  by  and  was  invited  to  join  in  the  revelry. 
The  Indians,  nothing  loath,  partook  of  the  white 
man's  Taos  lightning,  the  product  of  a  distillery 
at  Taos,  New  Mexico,  and  the  natural  consequence 
was  an  attack  upon  the  whites  which  resulted  in 
all  the  latter  being  killed. 

In  1866,  a  small  band  of  Utes  began  a  raid 
upon  the  settlers  on  Huerfano  Creek,  but  when  the 
news  reached  Ouray,  the  head  chief  of  the  tribe, 
he  sent  runners  out  at  once  to  warn  the  settlers 
and  then  went  to  the  scene  of  action  with  a  band 
of  his  faithful  warriors.  He  soon  afterwards  took 
the  hostile  Indians  prisoners  and  compelled  them 
to  go  to  Fort  Garland  and  remain  there,  in  this 
manner  quickly  ending  the  trouble.  Ouray  was 
always  the  friend  of  the  whites,  and  is  entitled  to 
the  very  greatest  credit  for  the  able  manner  in 
which  he  held  the  Utes  under  control  up  to  the 
time  of  his  death,  in  1881. 

Ouray  was  born  at  Taos,  New  Mexico,  in  1833. 
His  father  was  a  Tabeguache  Ute  and  his  mother 
a  Jicarilla  Apache.  His  boyhood  was  passed 
among  the  better  class  of  Mexicans,  chiefly  as  a 
herder  of  sheep.  He  learned  Spanish  and  always 
preferred  it  to  his  native  tongue.  When  eighteen 
years  of  age,  he  joined  the  band  of  Utes  of  which  his 


Trails,  Mineral  Springs,  Game      69 

father  was  leader,  then  located  in  southwestern 
Colorado.  From  that  time  until  about  1860, 
he  led  the  life  of  a  wild  Indian,  passing  his  time 
hunting  in  the  mountains  and  on  the  plains, 
varied  by  an  occasional  battle  with  the  hereditary 
enemies  of  his  people,  theKiowas,  Sioux,  Cheyennes, 
and  Arapahoes  of  the  plains,  in  which  he  acquired 
the  reputation  of  a  courageous  and  skillful  warrior. 
In  1859,  he  chose  a  wife,  named  Chipeta,  from 
among  the  Tabaguache  maidens,  to  whom  he  was 
always  devotedly  attached,  and  who  bore  him  a 
son.  This  child  was  captured  by  the  Cheyennes 
in  1863,  they  having  surprised  a  hunting  camp  of 
Utes  under  Ouray's  command,  near  the  present 
site  of  Fort  Lupton  on  the  Platte  River.  The 
boy  was  never  recovered  and,  indeed,  was  never 
heard  of  afterwards. 

In  person  Ouray  was  of  the  almost  invariably 
short  stature  which  distinguishes  his  people  from 
those  of  the  plains  tribes.  He  stood  about  five 
feet  seven  inches  high  and  in  his  later  years  became 
quite  portly.  His  head  was  strikingly  large  and 
well-shaped,  his  features  were  regular,  bearing  an 
expression  of  dignity  in  repose,  but  lighting  up 
pleasantly  in  conversation.  In  his  ordinary  bear- 
ing his  manner  was  courtly  and  gentle,  and  he  was 
extremely  fond  of  meeting  and  conversing  with 


70       Trails,  Mineral  Springs,  Game 

cultivated  white  men,  with  whom  he  was  a  genial 
companion,  compelling  their  respect  and  favor 
by  the  broad  enlightenment  of  his  views.  In  his 
habits  he  was  a  model,  never  using  tobacco, 
abhorring  whiskey,  and  taking  only  a  sip  of  wine 
when  in  company  with  those  who  were  indulging, 
and  then  merely  as  a  matter  of  courtesy  to  them. 
He  never  swore  nor  used  obscene  language,  was  a 
firm  believer  in  the  Christian  religion,  and  about 
two  years  before  his  death  united  himself  with 
the  Methodist  Church. 

When  in  active  command  of  his  men,  his  word 
was  law,  and  disobedience  meant  death.  In  the 
summer  of  1874  at  Bijou,  while  returning  from 
Denver  to  their  camp  in  the  south,  one  of  his  men 
decided  to  build  a  fire  and  started  to  cut  some  wood 
for  that  purpose  within  the  enclosure  of  "a  white 
settler.  Ouray,  discovering  his  intention,  ordered 
him  back,  reminding  him  that  they  must  not 
trespass  upon  the  property  of  the  white  man.  The 
obstinate  Ute  replied  that  he  must  have  firewood 
and  that  he  would  cut  it  anyway.  Ouray  an- 
swered that  if  he  did,  he  would  kill  him,  whereat 
the  other  observed  that  two  could  play  at  that 
game.  Instantly  both  started  for  their  guns, 
reaching  them  at  about  the  same  time,  but  Ouray 
was  quicker  than  his  adversary  and  shot  him. 


Trails,  Mineral  Springs,  Game      71 

On  another  occasion  he  shot  and  broke  the  arm  of 
Johnson,  a  member  of  his  tribe,  who  afterwards 
caused  much  of  the  trouble  at  the  White  River 
Agency.  Johnson  was  given  to  gambling,  horse- 
racing,  lying,  and  trickery  of  all  kinds.  In  the 
present  case,  he  had  stolen  some  horses  from  white 
men,  and  refused  to  return  them  when  commanded 
to  do  so,  thereby,  in  Ouray's  opinion,  bringing 
disgrace  upon  the  Ute  nation,  for  which  he  had  to 
be  punished. 

In  the  foregoing,  I  have  quoted  freely  from 
General  Frank  Hall's  History  of  Colorado. 
General  Hall  had  unusual  opportunities  for  know- 
ing Ouray  and  of  his  dealings  with  the  whites. 

It  was  through  the  prompt  and  decisive  action  of 
Ouray  that  the  leaders  of  the  massacre  of  Meeker 
and  others  at  the  White  River  Agency,  in  1879, 
were  surrendered  to  the  authorities  for  punishment. 
The  early  settlers  of  Colorado  owe  to  Ouray  a 
debt  of  gratitude,  and  a  monument  to  his  memory 
should  at  some  time  be  erected  by  the  people  of 
this  State.  Ouray  frequently  came  to  Colorado 
City  in  the  early  days,  and  sometimes  his  visits 
were  of  considerable  duration. 

In  the  winter  of  1865-1866,  a  large  body  of 
Ute  Indians  camped  for  several  months  on  the 
south  side  of  the  Fountain,  opposite  Colorado 


72      Trails,  Mineral  Springs,  Game 

City.  On  departing  in  the  spring,  they  abandoned 
a  squaw  who  had  broken  a  leg,  leaving  her  in  a 
rudely  constructed  tent,  or  tepee.  Had  not  the 
women  of  Colorado  City  taken  her  in  charge  she 
would  have  starved.  After  the  Indians  left,  she 
was  moved  into  a  log  cabin  in  Colorado  City  and 
provided  with  all  she  needed  until  her  death,  which 
occurred  a  few  months  later.  The  Utes  seemed  to 
think  nothing  of  this  heartless  act,  and  even  the 
abandoned  squaw  did  not  seem  to  resent  it.  It 
was  a  very  common  occurrence  for  the  Indians 
of  most  of  the  tribes  to  abandon  the  aged  and 
disabled,  as  in  moving  around,  they  did  not  wish 
to  be  burdened  with  those  who  were  incapable  of 
taking  care  of  themselves. 

In  the  winter  of  1866-1867,  a  thousand  or  more 
Utes  camped  for  several  months  below  Manitou, 
between  the  Balanced  Rock  and  the  Fountain. 
Game  was  very  scarce  in  this  region  during  that 
winter  and  the  Indians  suffered  for  want  of  food. 
Finally,  they  reached  such  a  strait  that  their  chiefs 
made  a  demand  upon  the  citizens  of  Colorado 
City  for  twenty  sacks  of  flour,  and  intimated  that 
unless  it  was  produced  forthwith,  they  would  be 
compelled  to  march  into  town  and  take  it  by  force. 
The  citizens,  realizing  their  utter  helplessness  in 
the  matter,  obtained  the  flour  without  delay  and 


Trails,  Mineral  Springs,  Game      73 

turned  it  over  to  the  Indians.  This  was  the  only 
time  in  all  the  early  period  that  Colorado  City 
suffered  from  the  presence  of  the  Utes. 

Chaveno  and  Colorow  were  the  principal  chiefs 
of  this  band.  Chaveno  was  an  Indian  of  a  good 
deal  of  intelligence.  When  visiting  the  whites  he 
always  went  about  dressed  in  an  army  officer's  uni- 
form of  dark  blue  which  had  been  given  him  by 
an  officer  at  Fort  Garland.  Chaveno  was  always 
strutting  around,  and  seemed  very  proud  of  him- 
self in  his  uniform,  of  which  he  took  the  greatest 
possible  care.  In  the  matter  of  dress,  Colorow 
was  the  reverse.  He  seemed  to  have  no  liking 
whatever  for  the  white  man's  costume.  His 
physique  was  like  that  of  Ouray,  short,  but  of 
powerful  build.  He  had  been  a  noted  warrior  in 
his  early  days  and  delighted  in  telling  of  his 
exploits  in  the  various  battles  with  the  Cheyennes 
and  Arapahoes  in  which  he  had  taken  part. 
Colorow  was  treacherous  by  nature  and  his  friend- 
ship for  the  whites  was  not  always  to  be  depended 
upon. 

In  the  winter  of  1874-1875,  Ouray,  with  a  band 
of  six  hundred  Utes,  camped  at  Florissant  for 
several  months.  One  day  a  Mr.  Marksberry, 
living  on  Tarryall  Creek,  rode  up  to  the  Post  Office 
at  Florissant,  tied  his  horse,  and  went  into  the 


74       Trails,  Mineral  Springs,  Game 

building.  The  pony  attracted  the  attention  of  an 
Indian  named  Antelope,  who  claimed  the  animal 
as  his  own;  he  slipped  off  the  saddle  and  bridle, 
and,  jumping  on  the  pony's  back,  rode  away. 
Marksberry  and  a  friend,  being  determined  to 
recover  the  pony,  followed  the  band  to  their  camp 
in  Beaver  Park,  south  of  Pike's  Peak.  Marksberry 
found  his  pony  with  the  Indian  herd,  caught  it, 
and  was  turning  away,  when  Antelope,  hidden 
behind  a  tree,  shot  and  instantly  killed  him.  Chief 
Ouray,  always  ready  to  "  travel  the  white  man's 
road,"  gave  up  Antelope  to  justice.  Upon  trial 
of  the  case  in  the  courts  of  Arapahoe  County, 
some  months  later,  he  was  acquitted. 

The  Utes,  by  treaties  made  in  March,  1868, 
April,  1874,  and  March,  1880,  ceded  to  the  general 
government  all  the  lands  claimed  by  them  within 
the  boundaries  of  the  present  State  of  Colorado, 
except  a  small  reservation  retained  for  their  own 
use  in  the  southwestern  part  of  the  State. 


CHAPTER  III 

THE  INDIAN  TROUBLES  OF  1864 

A  S  I  have  before  mentioned,  war  parties  of 
^*  Cheyennes  and  Arapahoes  continued  to 
make  occasional  trips  through  the  Ute  Pass  to  the 
mountains  in  search  of  their  enemies,  the  Utes, 
until  1864.  As  these  war  parties  seldom  tarried 
long  in  this  vicinity,  their  presence  was  not 
seriously  objected  to  during  the  first  two  or  three 
years,  but  after  rumors  of  impending  trouble  with 
them  became  current,  their  visits  were  looked 
upon  with  a  good  deal  of  apprehension.  From  the 
year  1859  to  the  beginning  of  1863,  the  wagon 
trains  that  brought  supplies  from  the  Missouri 
River  to  Colorado  came  and  went  without 
molestation,  but  it  was  noticed,  from  the  latter 
part  of  1862  on,  that  the  Indians  of  the  plains 
were  anxious  to  secure  guns  and  ammunition,  and 
were  acquiring  more  than  was  necessary  for  their 
ordinary  hunting.  Early  in  1863,  they  began  to 
attack  and  rob  wagon  trains,  steal  horses,  and 

75 


76  Indian  Troubles  of  1864 

threaten  exposed  settlements,  but  nothing  occurred 
to  cause  any  great  alarm  in  the  immediate  Pike's 
Peak  region,  until  the  spring  of  1864.  During  a 
very  considerable  portion  of  the  next  four  years, 
however,  the  people  of  El  Paso  County  experienced 
all  the  horrors  of  Indian  warfare. 

My  story  of  the  Indian  troubles  of  that  period 
will  necessarily  be  much  in  the  nature  of  a  personal 
narrative.  At  the  time  hostilities  began,  I  was 
little  more  than  eighteen  years  old,  and  as  fond  of 
excitement  and  adventure  as  boys  at  that  age 
usually  are.  I  had  a  part  in  many  of  the  occur- 
rences which  I  shall  mention,  and  was  personally 
familiar  with  the  details  of  most  of  the  others. 

About  the  2Oth  of  June,  1864,  word  reached 
Colorado  City  that  a  day  or  two  previously,  the 
Hungate  family,  living  on  Running  Creek  about 
forty  miles  northeast  of  Colorado  City,  had  been 
murdered  by  the  Indians.  The  father  and  mother 
had  been  shot  down  and  mutilated  with  horrible 
brutality,  and  the  children  who  had  tried  to  escape 
had  been  pursued  and  killed,  so  that  not  one  of  the 
family  was  left  alive.  This  news  made  the  people 
of  Colorado  City,  and  the  settlers  along  the  Foun- 
tain and  on  the  Divide,  very  uneasy,  and  of  course, 
after  that,  they  were  constantly  on  the  lookout, 
not  knowing  where  the  savages  might  next  appear. 


Indian  Troubles  of  1864  77 

Two  or  three  weeks  after  the  murder  of  the  Hun- 
gate  family,  some  cattle  herders  came  into  Colora- 
do City  late  one  evening  and  told  of  having  seen 
near  Austin's  Bluff,  a  half  a  dozen  mounted 
Indians  who  seemed  to  be  acting  mysteriously. 
Following  the  killing  of  the  Hungate  family,  and 
other  acts  of  hostility  at  various  places  on  the 
plains,  this  was  indeed  alarming  news.  Conse- 
quently, early  the  following  morning  an  armed 
party  went  to  the  place  where  the  Indians  had 
been  seen,  found  their  trail,  and  followed  it.  In 
this  way  it  was  discovered  that,  some  time  during 
the  previous  night,  the  Indians  had  been  on  the 
hill  that  overlooks  Colorado  City  on  the  north, 
and  that  the  trail  from  that  point  led  into  the 
mountains.  The  direction  from  which  these 
Indians  came,  their  mysterious  movements  after 
they  were  discovered,  taken  in  connection  with  the 
recent  acts  of  hostility,  and  the  knowledge  that 
the  tribes  of  the  plains  had  been  attempting  during 
the  previous  winter  to  make  a  coalition  for  the 
purpose  of  annihilating  the  settlements  along  the 
eastern  base  of  the  mountains,  seemed  convincing 
proof  that  this  band  was  here  for  no  good  purpose. 
At  that  time  I  was  living  with  my  father  on  the 
west  side  of  Camp  Creek,  about  half-way  between 
Colorado  City  and  the  Garden  of  the  Gods.  I 


78  Indian  Troubles  of  1864 

had  been  in  town  during  the  forenoon  and  had 
heard  the  alarming  news,  and  as  a  result,  after 
that  father  and  I  kept  a  sharp  lookout  for  the 
savages.  However,  the  day  passed  without  any- 
thing further  having  been  seen  or  heard  of  them. 
Shortly  after  sundown,  my  brothers  Edgar  and 
Frank,  who  were  small  boys,  brought  our  cattle  in 
from  the  neighborhood  of  the  Garden  of  the  Gods, 
and  while  I  was  helping  to  drive  them  into  the 
corral  adjacent  to  our  house,  I  happened  to  look 
up  the  valley  of  Camp  Creek,  and  there,  about 
three-quarters  of  a  mile  away,  I  saw  six  mounted 
Indians  leading  an  extra  horse.  They  were 
going  easterly  along  the  old  Indian  trail,  which 
I  have  heretofore  described,  that  ran  just  south  of 
the  Garden  of  the  Gods.  As  soon  as  I  saw  these 
Indians,  I  was  sure  that  they  were  the  party  which 
had  been  trailed  into  Colorado  City  the  night 
before.  Without  delay  I  strapped  on  a  revolver, 
took  my  gun,  and  rode  to  Colorado  City  as  fast 
as  my  pony  could  travel,  to  report  what  I  had  seen. 
The  people  had  been  greatly  agitated  during  the 
day  and,  consequently,  the  news  I  brought  caused 
much  excitement. 

It  was  at  once  decided  that  the  Indians  must  be 
followed,  and  if  possible  the  purpose  of  their  visit 
ascertained.  In  less  than  three-quarters  of  an 


Indian  Troubles  of  1864  79 

hour,  ten  mounted  and  well-armed  men  were 
ready  for  the  pursuit.  Those  forming  the  party 
were  Anthony  Bott,  Dr.  Eggleston,  William  J. 
Baird,  A.  T.  Cone,  Ren  Smith,  myself,  and  four 
others  whose  names  I  cannot  now  recall.  By  a 
quarter  of  eight  we  were  traveling  along  the  trail 
taken  by  the  Indians  across  the  Mesa  east  of  the 
Garden  of  the  Gods.  We  appreciated  the  neces- 
sity of  making  as  little  noise  as  possible,  and  all 
talking  was  carried  on  in  an  undertone.  The  trail 
led  from  the  Mesa  down  to  Monument  Creek, 
about  a  mile  above  the  present  site  of  Colorado 
Springs,  and  then  crossed  the  stream  over  a  bed  of 
gravel  that  extended  to  the  bluff  on  the  eastern 
side.  Thick  clumps  of  willows  enclosed  the  trail 
on  both  sides.  It  was  a  starlight  night  without 
clouds,  but  not  light  enough  for  us  to  see  an  object 
any  distance  away. 

We  suspected  nothing,  as  we  believed  the  Indians 
to  be  far  ahead  of  us.  But  just  as  we  came  up  on 
the  first  rise  out  of  the  willows  on  the  east  side  of 
the  creek  we  were  startled  to  see  them  huddled 
together  on  the  left  of  us,  under  the  bank,  appar- 
ently getting  ready  to  start  a  small  camp-fire, 
while  to  the  right  were  their  ponies,  which  had 
been  turned  out  to  graze.  The  Indians  were 
just  as  much  surprised  as  we  were,  and  for  an 


80  Indian  Troubles  of  1864 

instant  the  situation  was  extremely  tense.  As  we 
refrained  from  firing,  the  Indians,  knowing  that 
they  were  at  a  disadvantage  in  not  being  able  to 
reach  their  ponies,  evidently  with  the  hope  of 
making  us  believe  that  they  were  friendly,  began 
calling  out  "How!  How!"  as  Indians  usually  do 
on  meeting  the  whites.  We  then  questioned 
them,  hoping  to  ascertain  the  object  of  their 
presence  in  this  locality.  Some  of  our  people  had  a 
slight  knowledge  of  Spanish,  with  which  the 
Indians  seemed  somewhat  conversant,  and  in  this 
way  and  by  signs,  we  told  them  that  we  were  there 
only  for  the  purpose  of  ascertaining  their  object  in 
visiting  this  region,  and  not  to  do  them  harm ;  that 
if  they  could  show  that  they  were  here  for  no 
hostile  purpose,  we  would  permit  them  to  go  on 
their  way  unmolested,  but  in  order  to  establish 
this  fact  it  would  be  necessary  for  them  to  go  with 
us  to  Colorado  City,  where  competent  interpreters 
could  be  found,  and  meanwhile  we  should  require 
them  to  give  up  their  arms.  They  apparently 
assented  to  this  proposition,  and  at  once  surren- 
dered such  of  their  arms  as  were  in  sight.  Six  of 
us  then  dismounted,  and  each  took  an  Indian 
in  charge  while  he  was  securing  his  pony.  The 
Indian  I  had  in  charge  was  a  tall,  slim  fellow,  fully 
six  feet  in  height  and  probably  not  much  over 


Indian  Troubles  of  1864  81 

twenty  years  of  age.  He  appeared  to  take  the 
situation  quietly  and  I  had  no  reason  to  apprehend 
any  trouble  with  him.  I  allowed  him  to  lead  his 
pony  to  the  camp,  where  he  put  on  the  saddle  and 
bridle  and  mounted  the  animal,  as  all  were  per- 
mitted to  do.  We  then  formed  the  Indians  in 
ranks  of  twos,  placing  a  file  of  our  men  on  each 
side  of  them,  each  white  man  having  charge  of  the 
Indian  next  to  him,  which  left  two  extra  whites 
for  the  front  and  two  to  guard  the  rear.  I  was  in 
charge  of  the  Indian  on  the  left  side  of  the  rear 
rank  and  had  hold  of  his  bridle  with  my  right 
hand.  The  order  was  given  to  march  and  we 
started  east  towards  the  plateau  on  which  Colorado 
Springs  is  now  built.  We  had  proceeded  only 
eight  or  ten  feet  when  the  Indians  suddenly  halted. 
From  the  time  they  mounted  they  had  been  talking 
animatedly  with  one  another  in  their  own  language. 
Just  then  someone  happened  to  see  that  one  of  the 
Indians  had  a  knife  in  his  hand.  This  was  taken 
from  him  and  then  we  made  a  systematic  search 
of  the  others  and  found  that  most  of  them  had 
knives,  and  one  a  spear  concealed  under  his  blan- 
ket. It  was  with  great  difficulty  that  we  twisted 
these  weapons  from  their  hands,  but  finally,  as  we 
thought,  secured  everything  of  that  nature.  The 
order  was  again  given  to  march.  Immediately 


82  Indian  Troubles  of  1864 

following  this,  the  Indians  gave  a  tremendous  war- 
whoop,  shook  their  blankets,  and  were  out  from 
between  us  before  we  realized  what  was  happening. 
The  bridle  rein  in  my  hand  was  jerked  away  before 
I  knew  it.  We  were  all  so  dazed  that  the  Indians 
probably  were  seventy-five  to  one  hundred  feet 
away  before  our  people  began  shooting.  Mean- 
time, my  pony,  which  was  of  Indian  breed,  had 
become  almost  unmanageable.  He  seemed  to  be 
determined  to  go  off  with  the  other  Indian  ponies 
and  I  had  the  greatest  difficulty  in  restraining  him. 
Before  I  succeeded,  I  was  so  far  in  front  that  I  was 
in  great  danger  of  being  shot  by  our  own  people. 
By  the  time  I  could  get  my  pony  under  control, 
the  Indians  were  too  far  away  for  me  to  shoot  with 
hope  of  doing  any  execution,  but  during  this  time 
the  others  had  been  making  such  good  use  of  their 
weapons  that  in  a  few  minutes  the  affair  was  over, 
and  five  of  the  Indians  had  fallen  from  their 
ponies.  Whether  they  had  been  killed  or  wounded 
we  did  not  know  until  some  years  later.  We  only 
knew  that  their  ponies  were  running  riderless  over 
the  plains.  It  was  now  about  ten  o'clock,  and 
quite  dark ;  consequently  we  made  little  effort  to 
locate  the  dead  and  wounded.  We  rounded  up 
the  ponies,  there  being  six  of  them,  one  a  pack 
animal,  and  after  gathering  up  such  of  the  belong- 


Indian  Troubles  of  1864  83 

ings  of  the  Indians  as  they  had  dropped  in  their 
flight,  we  started  on  our  return  to  Colorado  City. 

The  whole  occurrence  made  one  of  the  weirdest 
scenes  that  it  has  ever  been  my  fortune  to  witness. 
First  the  sudden  discovery  of  the  Indians  in 
the  darkness  of  the  night ;  the  group  formed  of  the 
Indians  with  the  whites  surrounding  them;  the 
mounting  of  the  ponies ;  the  shrill  war-whoop  of  six 
savages  ringing  out  in  the  solitude,  followed  by  the 
shots,  and  then  the  riderless  horses  running  hither 
and  thither  over  the  plain.  The  dramatic  scene 
was  completed  a  few  minutes  later  by  the  rounding 
up  of  these  riderless  ponies  and  the  beginning  of 
the  march  back  to  Colorado  City  over  the  present 
town  site  of  Colorado  Springs,  the  only  inhabitants 
of  which  at  that  time  were  the  antelope  and  the 
coyotes.  Our  road  led  us  over  the  present  College 
reservation,  down  what  is  now  Cascade  Avenue  to 
a  ford  crossing  the  Monument  Creek,  just  west  of 
the  present  Rio  Grande  freight  station. 

On  the  way  home,  the  thought  came  to  us 
whether  we  could  have  done  differently  under  the 
circumstances.  We  knew  the  tribes  to  which  these 
Indians  belonged  were  at  war  with  the  whites,  and 
that,  unless  they  were  on  their  way  to  fight  the 
Utes,  they  were  here  on  no  peaceable  errand  so  far 
as  our  people  were  concerned.  Their  course  in 


84  Indian  Troubles  of  1864 

going  only  to  the  foot  of  the  mountains,  showed 
that  they  were  not  seeking  the  Utes,  and  their 
actions  under  cover  of  the  previous  night,  and 
afterward,  up  to  the  time  they  were  captured, 
proved  conclusively  that  they  were  here  as  scouts 
of  a  larger  party,  to  ascertain  and  to  report  the 
strength  of  the  town  and  its  surrounding  settle- 
ments. When  first  discovered,  they  were  in  an 
out-of-the-way  spot,  and  from  that  time  on  until 
their  capture,  they  traveled  over  abandoned  roads 
and  trails,  probably  hoping  in  this  way  to  fulfill 
their  mission  without  detection.  These  things 
convinced  us  that  we  had  accomplished  an  import- 
ant work,  and  the  only  regret  we  had  was  that  we 
had  not  been  able  to  bring  the  captives  into  town. 
Early  the  following  morning  several  of  our 
party  returned  to  the  scene  of  the  occurrence  of  the 
night  before,  hoping  to  find  the  bodies  of  the 
Indians  who  unquestionably  had  been  killed  in 
the  melee,  but  there  was  nothing  to  indicate  the 
struggle  excepting  a  few  articles  of  clothing  and 
personal  adornment,  and  marks  upon  the  ground 
showing  where  the  dead  and  wounded  had  evi- 
dently lain.  Several  years  afterward,  we  learned 
from  the  Cheyennes  that  three  of  this  scouting 
party  had  been  killed  outright,  one  was  so  seriously 
wounded  that  he  died  shortly  afterward,  another 


Indian  Troubles  of  1864  85 

was  slightly  wounded,  and  one  had  escaped  unhurt. 
The  last,  with  the  aid  of  the  one  slightly  wounded, 
had  carried  off  and  buried  the  dead  during  the 
night. 

News  of  our  evening's  experience  spread  rapidly 
and  created  intense  excitement  in  Colorado  City 
and  throughout  the  county.  The  people  of  El 
Paso  County  now  realized  that  they  were  face  to 
face  with  Indian  troubles  of  the  most  serious 
nature,  and  that  arrangements  for  the  defense  of  the 
town  and  surrounding  country  must  immediately 
be  made.  The  righting  strength  of  the  Pike's 
Peak  region  was  exceedingly  limited,  as  compared 
with  the  great  horde  of  savages  that  occupied  our 
eastern  frontier.  Probably  there  were  not  over 
three  hundred  men  of  all  ages  in  El  Paso  County 
at  that  time.  And,  as  further  showing  the  pre- 
carious position  of  the  community,  I  wish  to  call 
attention  to  the  fact  that  the  frontier  settlements 
of  the  United  States  at  that  time  extended  but 
little  west  of  the  Missouri  River,  leaving  the  narrow 
belt  of  settlements  along  the  eastern  base  of  the 
mountains  in  Colorado  separated  from  the  nearest 
communities  to  the  east  by  a  stretch  of  plains  at 
least  four  hundred  miles  in  width,  inhabited  only 
by  wild  and  savage  tribes  of  nomadic  Indians. 
The  same  condition  existed  on  the  north  to  the 


86  Indian  Troubles  of  1864 

British  possessions,  and  to  the  west  the  Ute  Indians 
held  undisputed  sway  to  the  Great  Salt  Lake 
valley.  To  the  south,  with  the  exception  of  a 
small  part  of  New  Mexico  sparsely  settled  by 
feeble  and  widely  scattered  communities  of 
Spanish-speaking  people,  wild  tribes  roamed  over 
every  portion  of  the  country  for  hundreds  of  miles. 
From  the  foregoing,  it  will  be  seen  that  the  settle- 
ments of  Colorado  were  but  a  small  island  of 
civilization  in  a  sea  of  savagery.  Our  settlements 
were  at  times  completely  cut  off  from  civilization 
in  every  direction  by  this  cordon  of  savage  tribes ; 
their  very  existence  was  now  threatened,  with  no 
hope  of  assistance  from  the  National  Government, 
because  of  the  civil  war  which  was  then  at  its  most 
critical  stage,  demanding  every  resource  of  the 
nation.  Threatened  as  they  were  by  hordes  of 
hostile  savages  and  under  conditions  that  would 
have  had  a  disheartening  effect  upon  a  people  not 
inured  to  frontier  life,  our  settlers  had  no  thought 
of  allowing  themselves  to  be  driven  out  or 
overwhelmed. 

Warning  was  at  once  sent  to  every  family  living 
down  the  Fountain  and  on  the  Divide,  the  result 
being  that  within  a  day  or  two  almost  every  ranch 
in  the  county  was  abandoned.  The  people  for 
fifteen  miles  down  the  valley  below  Colorado  City 


Indian  Troubles  of  1864  87 

came  to  that  town.  Those  living  below  gathered 
at  the  extreme  lower  edge  of  the  county  and  there 
built  a  place  of  defense.  In  Colorado  City  the 
work  of  constructing  a  fort  around  an  old  log  hotel 
was  started  at  once.  Green  pine  logs,  ten  to 
fifteen  inches  in  diameter  and  about  fifteen  feet 
long,  were  cut  on  the  adjacent  mountains,  brought 
in,  and  set  in  the  ground  close  together,  entirely 
surrounding  the  building,  making  a  defensive 
structure  about  twelve  feet  high.  At  intervals 
through  these  logs  portholes  were  made  for  use  in 
repelling  an  attack.  During  the  next  month  or 
two  all  the  women  and  children  of  the  town  as 
well  as  those  who  had  congregated  there  from 
the  country  slept  at  night  in  this  fortification. 
Throughout  this  time  a  picket  force  of  three  or 
four  mounted  men  was  maintained  night  and  day 
on  the  flat  east  of  the  town,  and  out  on  the  present 
site  of  Colorado  Springs.  There  was  scarcely  a 
day  during  this  period  in  which  Indians  were  not 
seen  at  various  points  in  the  country  to  the  east  of 
Colorado  City,  and  on  the  borders  of  the  settle- 
ments along  the  Fountain,  but  as  the  people 
everywhere  were  watchful,  the  savages  had  little 
opportunity  of  catching  any  one  unawares. 

About  two  weeks  after  the  occurrence  on  Monu- 
ment Creek,  a  messenger  arrived  at  Colorado  City, 


88  Indian  Troubles  of  1864 

sent  by  Governor  Evans  to  warn  the  people  of  an 
impending  attack  upon  the  settlements  of  the 
Territory  by  the  Cheyennes,  Arapahoes,  and  other 
hostile  Indians.  It  appears  that  the  Governor 
had  received  information  from  Elbridge  Gerry, 
one  of  his  secret  agents,  that  eight  hundred  war- 
riors belonging  to  the  Cheyenne,  Arapahoe,  and 
other  hostile  Indian  tribes,  were  in  camp  at  the 
Point  of  Rocks  near  the  head  of  Beaver  Creek  in 
eastern  Colorado,  and  had  planned  a  simultaneous 
attack  upon  the  frontier  settlements  of  Colorado 
extending  from  a  point  in  the  valley  of  the  Platte 
River  one  hundred  miles  below  Denver,  to  the 
Arkansas  River  at  the  mouth  of  the  Fontaine  qui 
Bouille.  According  to  the  program  agreed  upon 
by  the  Indians,  one  hundred  warriors  were  to  go 
to  the  valley  of  the  Platte,  two  hundred  and  fifty 
to  the  head  of  Cherry  Creek,  and  the  remainder 
of  the  eight  hundred  to  the  valley  of  the  Fountain 
and  Arkansas  rivers.  On  reaching  the  appointed 
localities,  these  parties  were  to  be  divided  into 
small  bands,  each  one  of  which  was  to  attack  a 
farmhouse,  kill  the  occupants,  loot  the  property, 
and  run  off  the  stock. 

Elbridge  Gerry,  from  whom  the  information  of 
the  proposed  raid  was  received,  was  the  grandson 
of  a  signer  of  the  Declaration  of  Independence, 


Indian  Troubles  of  1864  89 

and  although  an  educated  man,  had  lived  with  the 
Indians  for  a  good  many  years  and  had  married 
a  Cheyenne  woman.  At  this  time,  he  was  living 
with  his  Indian  wife  on  a  stock  ranch  in  the  valley 
of  the  Platte  River,  sixty  to  seventy  miles  below 
Denver.  It  was  here  that  the  information  reached 
him,  through  two  Cheyenne  chiefs,  who  came  to 
warn  him  of  the  impending  danger.  Gerry  re- 
ceived the  word  about  midnight  and  early  next 
morning  started  on  horseback  for  Denver  to  notify 
Governor  Evans,  arriving  there  about  eleven 
o'clock  that  night,  having  ridden  the  sixty  or 
seventy  miles  without  resting.  As  the  date  set 
for  the  raid  was  but  a  day  or  two  off,  Governor 
Evans  at  once  dispatched  messengers  in  every 
direction  to  notify  the  people.  The  one  sent  to 
Colorado  City  reached  that  place  the  next  after- 
noon, and  warning  was  immediately  sent  by 
messengers  to  the  few  ranchmen  down  the  Foun- 
tain and  east  of  Colorado  City,  who  for  urgent 
reasons  had  been  compelled  temporarily  to  return 
to  their  homes. 

The  following  day,  small  bands  of  Indians 
appeared  along  the  entire  frontier  of  El  Paso 
County,  but  their  raid  was  a  failure,  as  the  warn- 
ings given  through  the  occurrence  on  Monument 
Creek,  and  that  of  the  Governor,  had  put  every  one 


90  Indian  Troubles  of  1864 

on  guard;  consequently  the  savages  found  that 
the  settlers  at  every  point  had  either  fled,  or  were 
fully  prepared  to  defend  themselves. 

That  the  information  given  by  Gerry  was  abso- 
lutely correct,  was  shown  by  the  fact  that  at  the 
appointed  time  the  Indians  appeared  along  the 
entire  frontier  of  Colorado,  from  the  Platte  to 
the  Arkansas  River.  However,  in  almost  every 
locality,  as  in  El  Paso  County,  they  found  the  set- 
tlers on  the  lookout,  consequently,  the  wholesale 
slaughter  planned  did  not  take  place.  After 
killing  one  man  near  Fort  Lupton,  below  Denver, 
two  or  three  near  the  head  of  Cherry  Creek, 
and  stealing  many  cattle,  the  larger  part  of  the 
Indians  returned  to  their  rendezvous  out  on  the 
plains,  leaving  a  few  warriors  along  the  borders  to 
harass  the  settlers  during  the  remainder  of  the 
summer. 

The  Point  of  Rocks  on  Beaver  Creek,  where  the 
eight  hundred  Indians  were  in  camp,  is  about  one 
hundred  miles  northeast  of  Colorado  City.  It  is 
practically  certain  that  the  Indians  we  captured 
on  Monument  Creek  two  or  three  weeks  previous 
were  from  that  camp  and  had  been  sent  out  to 
secure  information  concerning  the  settlers  of  this 
region,  preparatory  to  the  raid  they  were  then 
planning.  There  is  every  probability  that  an 


Indian  Troubles  of  1864  91 

awful  calamity  would  have  befallen  the  settlers  of 
this  county  had  not  the  discovery,  capture,  and 
escape  of  these  scouts  aroused  our  people  to  a  full 
realization  of  their  impending  danger.  Had  the 
news  brought  by  the  messenger  from  the  Governor 
been  our  first  warning,  it  would  have  been  im- 
possible after  his  arrival  to  have  brought  any 
considerable  portion  of  our  scattered  settlers  into 
Colorado  City  before  the  appearance  of  the 
Indians. 

Governor  Evans,  in  telling  of  this  incident  in  his 
evidence  before  the  Committee  on  the  Conduct  of 
the  War,  in  March,  1865,  expressed  the  opinion 
that  had  the  plan  of  the  Indians  been  carried  out 
without  previous  notice  having  been  given  to  the 
settlers,  it  would  have  resulted  in  the  most  whole- 
sale and  extensive  massacre  that  has  ever  been 
known.  It  was  most  fortunate  for  our  people  that 
timely  notice  was  given  in  such  an  effective  man- 
ner, because  in  those  days  news  traveled  slowly. 
Weekly  mails  were  then  the  only  method  of  dis- 
seminating news,  as  telegraph  lines  had  not  yet 
reached  this  part  of  the  Territory,  nor  was  there  a 
newspaper  published  in  the  county ;  consequently 
news  of  Indian  raids  and  outbreaks  in  other  parts 
of  the  Territory  often  was  a  week  or  more  in  reach- 
ing El  Paso  County.  Early  realizing  that  they 


92  Indian  Troubles  of  1864 

must  depend  upon  their  own  resources,  so  far  as  I 
can  see,  the  people  of  El  Paso  County  took  all 
necessary  precautions,  and  acted  wisely  in  every 
emergency. 

One  day  early  in  September,  1864,  a  company  of 
the  First  Colorado  Cavalry  on  its  way  from  one 
of  the  forts  in  New  Mexico  to  Denver  stopped  for 
the  noon  meal  at  Jimmy's  Camp,  about  ten  miles 
east  of  Colorado  City.  Not  having  seen  any 
Indians  on  the  march,  both  officers  and  men  were 
exceedingly  skeptical  as  to  there  being  any  in  this 
region,  and  had  made  sport  of  the  settlers  for  being 
so  unnecessarily  alarmed.  Upon  making  camp, 
the  soldiers  turned  their  horses,  numbering  from 
seventy-five  to  one  hundred,  out  to  graze,  placing 
only  one  trooper  in  charge  of  them.  The  horses  in 
their  grazing  gradually  drifted  farther  and  farther 
away  from  camp,  until  finally  when  they  were 
almost  half  a  mile  distant,  a  band  of  Indians 
suddenly  came  tearing  out  of  the  timber  just  above 
and  almost  before  the  soldiers  realized  it  they  had 
rounded  up  the  herd  and  were  off  over  the  hills, 
yelling  back  taunts  as  they  rode  away.  The 
soldiers  came  marching  into  Colorado  City  on  foot 
the  next  day,  a  dejected  lot,  and  as  they  passed,  it 
gave  the  settlers  great  pleasure  to  jeer  at  them. 


CHAPTER  IV 

THE  THIRD  COLORADO  AND  THE  BATTLE  OF 
SAND  CREEK 

IT  may  be  asked  why  we  did  not  receive  protec- 
tion from  the  territorial  authorities.  The 
reason  for  this  was  that  the  Territory  was  without 
funds  or  a  military  organization.  The  Governor 
had  repeatedly  called  the  attention  of  the  General 
Government  to  the  helpless  condition  of  our  settle- 
ments, and  asked  that  government  troops  be  sent 
to  protect  them  from  the  raids  of  the  Indians ;  but 
at  this  time  the  entire  military  force  of  the  nation 
was  employed  in  suppressing  the  Rebellion,  and 
little  aid  could  be  given.  It  is  true  that  the  com- 
panies of  the  First  Regiment  of  Colorado  Cavalry 
were  distributed  along  the  frontier,  seldom  more 
than  one  company  in  a  place.  Scattered  in  this 
way  over  a  wide  extent  of  country,  they  were  of 
little  or  no  use  in  the  way  of  defense. 

Meanwhile,  the  Indians  were  in  virtual  posses- 
sion of  the  lines  of  travel  to  the  east.     Every  coach 

93 


94  The  Third  Colorado  and 

that  came  through  from  the  Missouri  River  to 
Denver  had  to  run  the  gauntlet.  Some  were 
riddled  with  bullets,  others  were  captured  and 
their  passengers  killed.  Instances  were  known 
where  the  victims  were  roasted  alive,  shot  full  of 
arrows,  and  subjected  to  every  kind  of  cruelty  the 
savages  could  devise.  Finally,  after  many  urgent 
appeals,  the  Governor  of  Colorado  was  permitted 
to  organize  a  new  regiment  to  be  used  in  protect- 
ing the  frontier  settlements  and  in  punishing  the 
hostile  Cheyennes  and  Arapahoes.  The  term  of 
service  was  to  be  one  hundred  days ;  it  was  thought 
that  by  prompt  action  signal  punishment  could 
be  inflicted  on  the  savages  in  that  time.  Lieut. 
George  L.  Shoup,  of  the  First  Colorado,  was 
commissioned  as  Colonel  of  the  new  regiment, 
which  was  designated  as  the  Third  Regiment  of 
Colorado  Volunteer  Cavalry.  Colonel  Shoup  had 
already  proved  himself  to  be  a  very  able  and  effi- 
cient officer.  He  was  afterward  for  many  years 
United  States  Senator  from  the  State  of  Idaho. 
From  the  day  he  received  his  appointment,  he 
proceeded  with  great  activity  to  organize  his 
command.  Recruiting  officers  had  already  been 
placed  in  almost  every  town  in  the  Territory,  and 
in  less  than  thirty  days  eight  or  nine  hundred  men 
had  been  enlisted.  Eight  or  ten  others  from  El 


The  Battle  of  Sand  Creek          95 

Paso  County  besides  myself  joined  the  regiment 
at  the  first  call.  Among  them  were  Anthony 
Bott,  Robert  Finley,  Henry  Coby,  Samuel  Murray, 
John  Wolf,  A.  J.  Templeton,  Henry  Miller,  and  a 
number  of  others  whose  names  I  do  not  now 
remember.  The  recruits  from  El  Paso  County 
were  combined  with  those  from  Pueblo  County 
and  mustered  in  as  Company  G  at  Denver  on  the 
29th  day  of  August,  1864.  Our  officers  were  O. 
H.  P.  Baxter  of  Pueblo,  Captain;  Joseph  Graham 
of  the  same  county,  First  Lieutenant;  and  A.  J. 
Templeton  of  El  Paso  County,  Second  Lieutenant. 
Within  a  short  time  after  we  had  been  mustered 
in  at  Denver,  we  marched  back  through  El  Paso 
County  and  south  to  a  point  on  the  Arkansas 
River,  five  miles  east  of  Pueblo,  where  we  remained 
for  the  next  two  months,  waiting  for  our  equipment. 
Meanwhile,  we  were  being  drilled  and  prepared 
for  active  military  duty. 

On  the  last  day  of  October  and  the  first  day  of 
November  of  that  year  there  was  a  tremendous 
snow-storm  all  over  the  region  along  the  eastern 
base  of  the  Rocky  Mountains.  The  snowfall  at 
our  camp  was  twenty  inches  in  depth ;  at  Colorado 
City  it  was  over  two  feet  on  the  level,  and  on  the 
Divide  still  deeper.  All  supplies  for  the  company 
had  to  be  brought  to  our  camp  by  teams,  from  the 


96  The  Third  Colorado  and 

Commissary  Department  at  Denver.  The  depth 
of  the  snow  now  made  this  impossible;  conse- 
quently, in  a  few  days  we  were  entirely  out  of  food. 
As  there  seemed  to  be  no  hope  of  relief  within  the 
near  future,  our  Captain  instructed  every  one  who 
had  a  home  to  go  there  and  remain  until  further 
notice.  Half  a  dozen  of  us  from  El  Paso  County 
started  out  the  following  morning  before  daylight, 
and  tramped  laboriously  all  day  and  well  into  the 
night  through  deep  snow  along  the  valley  of  the 
Fountain.  For  a  portion  of  the  way  a  wagon  or 
two  had  gone  over  the  road  since  the  storm,  making 
it  so  rough  that  walking  along  it  was  almost 
impossible.  As  a  result,  we  were  so  tired  by  dusk 
that  we  would  have  traveled  no  farther  could  we 
have  found  a  place  where  food  and  shelter  were  to 
be  obtained;  but  it  was  eleven  o'clock  that  night 
before  we  could  get  any  accommodations  at  all, 
and  by  that  time  we  were  utterly  exhausted. 
We  resumed  our  tramp  the  next  morning,  but  I 
was  two  days  in  reaching  my  home  in  Colorado 
City,  twenty-five  miles  distant.  Two  weeks  later 
we  were  notified  by  our  Captain  that  provisions 
had  been  obtained  and  that  we  should  return  to 
camp  at  once.  We  had  already  been  clothed  in 
the  light  blue  uniform  then  used  by  the  cavalry 
branch  of  the  United  States  Army.  Soon  after 


The  Battle  of  Sand  Creek          97 

our  return  to  camp  we  received  our  equipment  of 
arms,  ammunition,  and  the  necessary  accouter- 
ments.  The  guns  were  old,  out-of-date  Austrian 
muskets  of  large  bore  with  paper  cartridges  from 
which  we  had  to  bite  off  the  end  when  loading. 
These  guns  sent  a  bullet  rather  viciously,  but  one 
could  never  tell  where  it  would  hit.  A  little  later 
on,  our  horses  arrived.  They  were  a  motley 
looking  group,  composed  of  every  kind  of  an  equine 
animal  from  a  pony  to  a  plow  horse.  The  saddles 
and  bridles  were  the  same  as  were  used  in  the 
cavalry  service  and  were  good  of  the  kind.  I  had 
the  misfortune  to  draw  a  rawboned,  square-built 
old  plow  horse,  upon  which  thereafter  I  spent  a 
good  many  uncomfortable  hours.  If  the  order 
came  to  trot,  followed  by  an  order  to  gallop,  I  had 
to  get  him  well  underway  on  a  trot  and  he  would 
be  going  like  the  wind  before  I  could  bring  him 
into  the  gallop.  Meanwhile  his  rough  trot  would 
be  shaking  me  to  pieces.  From  what  I  have  said, 
it  will  be  seen  that  our  equipment,  as  to  arms  and 
mounts,  was  of  the  poorest  kind. 

The  main  part  of  the  regiment  had  been  in 
camp  near  Denver  during  all  this  time.  This 
inactivity  had  caused  a  great  deal  of  complaint 
among  the  officers  and  enlisted  men.  For  the 
most  part,  the  regiment  had  been  enlisted  from  the 


98  The  Third  Colorado  and 

ranchmen,  miners,  and  business  men  of  the  State, 
and  it  was  the  understanding  that  they  were  to  be 
given  immediate  service  against  the  hostile  Indians. 
The  delay  was  probably  unavoidable,  being  caused 
by  the  inability  of  the  Government  to  promptly 
furnish  the  necessary  horses  and  equipment,  as  the 
animals  had  to  be  sent  from  east  of  the  Missouri 
River.  The  horses  and  equipment  were  received 
about  the  middle  of  November.  A  few  days  later, 
under  command  of  Colonel  Shoup,  the  main  part 
of  the  regiment,  together  with  three  companies  of 
the  First  Colorado,  started  on  its  way  south,  to- 
wards a  destination  known  only  to  the  principal 
officers.  The  combined  force  was  under  command 
of  Col.  John  M.  Chivington,  commander  of  the 
military  district  of  Colorado.  The  company  to 
which  I  belonged  joined  the  regiment  as  it  passed 
our  camp,  about  the  25th  of  November,  and  from 
that  time  on  our  real  hardships  began.  We 
marched  steadily  down  the  valley  of  the  Arkansas 
River,  going  into  camp  at  seven  or  eight  o'clock 
every  night,  and  by  the  time  we  had  eaten  supper 
and  had  taken  care  of  our  horses,  it  was  after  ten 
o'clock.  We  were  called  out  at  four  o'clock  the 
next  morning  and  were  on  the  move  before  day- 
light. In  order  that  no  news  of  our  march  should 
be  carried  to  the  Indians,  every  man  we  met  on 


The  Battle  of  Sand  Creek          99 

the  road  was  taken  in  charge,  and,  for  the  same 
purpose,  guards  were  placed  at  every  ranch. 

About  four  o'clock  in  the  evening  of  November 
28th,  we  arrived  at  Fort  Lyon,  to  the  great 
surprise  of  its  garrison.  No  one  at  the  fort  even 
knew  that  the  regiment  had  left  the  vicinity  of 
Denver.  A  picket  guard  was  thrown  around  the 
fort  to  turn  away  any  Indians  that  might  be 
coming  in,  and  also  to  prevent  any  of  the  trappers 
or  Indian  traders  who  generally  hung  around  there 
from  notifying  the  savages  of  our  presence. 

Soon  after  our  arrival  at  camp,  we  were  told 
that  the  wagon  train  would  be  left  behind  at  this 
point,  and  each  man  was  instructed  to  secure  from 
the  commissary  two  or  three  pounds  of  raw  bacon 
and  sufficient  "hardtack  "  to  last  three  or  four  days, 
which  he  was  to  carry  in  his  saddlebags.  At  eight 
o'clock  that  night,  the  regiment  took  up  its  line  of 
march  across  the  prairie,  in  a  direction  almost  due 
north  from  Fort  Lyon.  Each  company  was  formed 
into  fours,  and  we  pushed  on  rapidly.  All  night 
long  it  was  walk,  trot,  gallop,  dismount  and  lead. 
I  had  had  very  little  sleep  for  two  or  three  nights 
previously,  and,  consequently,  this  all-night  march 
was  very  exhausting.  During  the  latter  part  of 
the  night,  I  would  willingly  have  run  the  risk  of 
being  scalped  by  the  Indians  for  a  half -hour's 


ioo         The  Third  Colorado  and 

sleep.  Some  time  after  midnight,  our  guide, 
intentionally  as  we  thought,  led  us  through  one  of 
the  shallow  lakes  that  are  so  plentiful  on  the  plains 
of  that  region.  He  was  understood  to  be  more 
friendly  to  the  Indians  than  to  the  whites,  and 
perhaps  he  hoped  our  ammunition  would  get  wet, 
and  thus  become  ineffective  in  the  anticipated 
engagement.  During  the  night,  in  order  to  keep 
awake,  we  had  been  nibbling  on  our  hardtack, 
which  in  the  morning,  much  to  our  disgust,  we 
found  to  be  very  much  alive. 

It  was  a  bright,  clear,  starlight  night;  the  air 
was  crisp  and  uncomfortably  cool,  as  might  be 
expected  at  that  time  of  year.  Just  as  the  sun 
was  coming  up  over  the  eastern  hills,  we  reached 
the  top  of  a  ridge,  and  away  off  in  the  valley  to  the 
northwest  we  saw  a  great  number  of  Indian  tents, 
forming  a  village  of  unusual  size.  We  knew  at 
once  that  this  village  was  our  objective  point.  Off 
to  the  left,  between  us  and  the  village,  was  a 
large  number  of  Indian  ponies. 

Two  or  three  minutes  later,  orders  came  direct- 
ing our  battalion  to  capture  the  herd.  Under 
command  of  a  Major  of  the  regiment,  we  immedi- 
ately started  on  the  run  in  order  to  get  between 
the  ponies  and  the  Indian  camp  before  our  pres- 
ence was  discovered.  We  had  not  proceeded 


The  Battle  of  Sand  Creek         101 

any  great  distance  before  we  saw  half  a  dozen 
Indians  coming  toward  the  herd  from  the  direction 
of  the  camp,  but,  on  seeing  our  large  force,  they 
hesitated  a  moment  and  then  started  back  as  fast 
as  their  ponies  could  take  them.  We  were  not 
long  in  securing  the  herd,  which  consisted  of  be- 
tween five  and  six  hundred  ponies.  The  officer 
in  command  placed  from  twenty  to  thirty  men 
in  charge  of  the  ponies,  with  instructions  to  drive 
them  away  to  some  point  where  they  would  be  in 
no  danger  of  recapture.  The  remainder  of  the 
battalion  then  started  directly  for  the  Indian 
camp,  which  lay  over  a  little  ridge  to  the  north 
of  us.  Meanwhile,  the  main  part  of  the  com- 
mand had  marched  at  a  rapid  rate  down  the 
slope  to  Sand  Creek,  along  the  northern  bank  of 
which  the  Indian  camp  was  located.  Crossing 
the  creek  some  distance  to  the  eastward  of  the 
village,  they  marched  rapidly  westward  along  the 
north  bank  until  near  the  Indian  village,  where 
they  halted,  and  the  battle  began.  At  the  same 
time  our  battalion  was  coming  in  from  the  south. 
This  left  an  opening  for  the  Indians  to  the  west- 
ward, up  the  valley  of  Sand  Creek,  and  also  to 
the  northward,  across  the  hills  towards  the  Smoky 
Hill  River.  Before  our  battalion  had  crossed  the 
low  ridge  which  cut  off  the  view  of  the  village 


102          The  Third  Colorado  and 

at  the  point  where  we  captured  the  ponies,  and 
had  come  in  sight  of  the  village  again,  the  firing 
had  become  general,  and  it  made  some  of  us,  my- 
self among  the  number,  feel  pretty  queer.  I  am 
sure,  speaking  for  myself,  if  I  hadn't  been  too 
proud,  I  should  have  stayed  out  of  the  fight 
altogether. 

When  we  first  came  in  sight  of  the  Indian 
camp  there  were  a  good  many  ponies  not  far  away 
to  the  north  of  it,  and  now  when  we  came  in  sight 
of  the  camp  again,  after  we  had  captured  the 
other  herd,  we  saw  large  numbers  of  Indians, 
presumably  squaws  and  children,  hurrying  north- 
ward on  these  ponies,  out  of  the  way  of  danger. 
After  the  engagement  commenced,  the  Indian 
warriors  concentrated  along  Sand  Creek,  using 
the  high  banks  on  either  side  as  a  means  of  de- 
fense. At  this  point,  Sand  Creek  was  about  two 
hundred  yards  wide,  the  banks  on  each  side  be- 
ing almost  perpendicular  and  from  six  to  twelve 
feet  high.  The  engagement  extended  along  this 
creek  for  three  or  four  miles  from  the  Indian 
encampment.  Our  capture  of  the  ponies  placed 
the  Indians  at  a  great  disadvantage,  for  the 
reason  that  an  Indian  is  not  accustomed  to  fight- 
ing on  foot.  They  were  very  nearly  equal  to  us  in 
numbers,  and  had  they  been  mounted,  we  should 


The  Battle  of  Sand  Creek         103 

have  had  great  difficulty  in  defeating  them,  as 
they  were  better  armed  than  we  were,  and  their 
ponies  were  much  superior  for  military  purposes 
to  the  horses  of  our  command. 

From  the  beginning  of  'the  engagement  our 
battery  did  effective  work,  its  shells,  as  a  rule, 
keeping  the  Indians  from  concentrating  in  con- 
siderable numbers  at  any  one  point.  However, 
at  one  place,  soon  after  getting  into  the  fight,  I 
saw  a  line  of  fifty  to  one  hundred  Indians  receive 
a  charge  from  one  of  our  companies  as  steadily  as 
veterans,  and  their  shooting  was  so  effective  that 
our  men  were  forced  to  fall  back.  Returning 
to  the  charge  soon  after,  the  troopers  forced  the 
Indians  to  retire  behind  the  banks  of  the  creek, 
which  they  did,  however,  in  a  very  leisurely  man- 
ner, leaving  a  large  number  of  their  dead  upon 
the  field.  Our  own  company,  Company  G, 
became  disorganized  early  in  the  fight,  as  did 
many  of  the  other  companies,  and  after  that 
fought  in  little  groups  wherever  it  seemed  that 
they  could  be  most  effective.  After  the  first  few 
shots,  I  had  no  fear  whatever,  nor  did  I  see 
any  others  displaying  the  least  concern  as  to  their 
own  safety.  The  fight  soon  became  general  all 
up  and  down  the  valley,  the  Indians  continuously 
firing  from  their  places  of  defense  along  the  banks, 


104          The  Third  Colorado  and 

and  a  constant  fusillade  being  kept  up  by  the 
soldiers,  who  were  shooting  at  every  Indian  that 
appeared.  I  think  it  was  in  this  way  that  a  good 
many  of  the  squaws  were  killed.  It  was  utterly 
impossible,  at  a  distance  of  two  hundred  yards, 
to  discern  between  the  sexes,  on  account  of  their 
similarity  of  dress. 

As  our  detachment  moved  up  the  valley,  we 
frequently  came  in  line  of  the  firing,  and  the  bul- 
lets whizzed  past  us  rather  unpleasantly,  but 
fortunately  none  of  us  was  hurt.  At  one  point 
we  ran  across  a  wounded  man,  a  former  resident 
of  El  Paso  County,  but  then  a  member  of  a 
company  from  another  county.  A  short  time 
previously,  as  he  passed  too  near  the  bank,  a 
squaw  had  shot  an  arrow  into  his  shoulder,  in- 
flicting a  very  painful  wound.  He  was  being 
cared  for  by  the  members  of  his  own  company. 
A  little  farther  up  the  creek  we  crossed  over  to 
the  north  side,  and  then  moved  leisurely  up  the 
valley,  shooting  at  the  Indians  whenever  any  were 
in  sight.  By  this  time,  most  of  them  had  bur- 
rowed into  the  soft  sand  of  the  banks,  which 
formed  a  place  of  defense  for  them  from  which 
they  could  shoot  at  the  whites,  while  only  slightly 
exposing  themselves. 

Soon  after,  we  joined  a  detachment  which  was 


The  Battle  of  Sand  Creek        105 

carrying  on  a  brisk  engagement  with  a  considerable 
force  of  Indians,  some  of  whom  were  hidden  behind 
one  of  the  many  large  piles  of  driftwood  along  the 
banks  of  Sand  Creek,  while  others  were  sheltered 
behind  a  similar  pile  in  the  center  of  the  creek, 
which  was  unusually  wide  at  that  point.  Our  men 
were  posted  in  a  little  depression  just  back  from  the 
north  bank,  from  which  some  of  them  had  crawled 
forward  as  far  as  they  dared  go,  and  were  shooting 
into  the  driftwood,  in  the  hope  of  driving  the 
Indians  from  cover.  Soon  after  I  reached  this 
point,  a  member  of  the  company  from  Boulder, 
who  had  stepped  out  a  little  too  far,  and  then 
turned  around  to  speak  to  one  of  us,  was  shot  in 
the  back,  the  bullet  going  straight  through  his 
lungs  and  chest.  Realizing  at  once  that  he  was 
badly  wounded,  probably  fatally  so,  he  asked  to 
be  taken  to  his  company.  I  volunteered  to  ac- 
company him  and,  after  helping  him  on  his  horse, 
we  started  across  the  prairie  to  where  his  com- 
pany was  supposed  to  be.  With  every  breath, 
bubbles  of  blood  were  coming  from  his  lungs  and 
I  had  little  hope  that  he  would  reach  his  com- 
rades alive.  Just  as  we  reached  the  company,  he 
fainted  and  was  caught  by  his  captain  as  he  was 
falling  from  his  horse.  I  returned  immediately 
to  the  place  that  I  had  left  and  found  the  bat- 


io6         The  Third  Colorado  and 

tie  still  going  on.  During  my  absence,  our  little 
force  had  been  considerably  increased  by  soldiers 
from  other  parts  of  the  battlefield.  It  was  now 
decided  to  make  it  so  hot  for  the  savages  by  con- 
tinuous firing,  that  they  would  be  compelled  to 
leave  their  places  of  cover.  Soon  two  or  three 
of  the  Indians  exposed  themselves  and  were  in- 
stantly shot  down.  In  a  short  time,  the  re- 
mainder started  across  the  creek  towards  its 
southern  bank.  They  ran  in  a  zigzag  manner, 
jumping  from  one  side  to  the  other,  evidently 
hoping  by  so  doing  that  we  would  be  unable  to 
hit  them,  but  by  taking  deliberate  aim,  we  dropped 
every  one  before  they  reached  the  other  bank. 

About  this  time,  orders  came  from  the  com- 
manding officer  directing  us  to  return  at  once  to 
the  Indian  camp,  as  information  had  been  received 
that  a  large  force  of  Indians  was  coming  from  the 
Smoky  Hill  River  to  attack  us.  Obeying  this 
order,  we  marched  leisurely  down  the  creek,  and 
as  we  went  we  were  repeatedly  fired  at  by  Indians 
hidden  in  the  banks  in  the  manner  I  have  described 
heretofore.  We  returned  the  fire,  but  the  savages 
were  so  well  protected  that  we  had  no  reason  to 
think  any  of  our  shots  had  proved  effective.  At 
one  place,  an  Indian  child,  three  or  four  years  of 
age,  ran  out  to  us,  holding  up  its  hands  and  crying 


The  Battle  of  Sand  Creek         107 

piteously.  From  its  actions  we  inferred  that  it 
wished  to  be  taken  up.  At  first  I  was  inclined 
to  do  so,  but  changed  my  mind  when  it  occurred 
to  me  that  I  should  have  no  means  of  taking  care 
of  the  little  fellow.  We  knew  that  there  were 
Indians  concealed  within  a  couple  of  hundred 
yards  of  where  we  were,  who  certainly  would  take 
care  of  him  as  soon  as  we  were  out  of  the  way; 
consequently  we  left  him  to  be  cared  for  by  his 
own  people.  Every  one  of  our  party  expressed 
sympathy  for  the  little  fellow,  and  no  one  dreamed 
of  harming  him. 

As  we  neared  the  Indian  camp,  we  passed  the 
place  where  the  severest  fighting  had  occurred 
earlier  in  the  day,  and  here  we  saw  many  dead 
Indians,  a  few  of  whom  were  squaws.  At  the 
edge  of  the  camp,  we  came  upon  our  own  dead 
who  had  been  brought  in  and  placed  in  a  row. 
There  were  ten  of  them,  and  we  were  informed 
that  there  were  forty  wounded  in  a  hospital 
improvised  for  the  occasion.  Among  the  dead 
I  expected  to  find  the  Boulder  man  whom  I  had 
taken  to  his  company,  but,  strange  to  relate,  he 
survived  his  wound,  and  I  saw  him  two  or  three 
years  afterwards,  apparently  entirely  recovered. 
The  number  of  our  dead  and  wounded  showed 
that  the  Indians  had  offered  a  vigorous  defense, 


io8          The  Third  Colorado  and 

and  as  I  have  before  stated,  if  they  had  been 
mounted,  it  is  questionable  whether  the  result 
would  have  been  the  same — had  they  remained 
to  fight. 

We  reached  the  Indian  camp  about  four  o'clock 
in  the  afternoon,  the  battle  having  continued 
without  cessation  from  early  morning  until  that 
time.  The  companies  were  immediately  placed 
in  position  to  form  a  hollow  square,  inside  of 
which  our  horses  were  picketed.  I  was  so  utterly 
exhausted  for  want  of  sleep  and  food,  as  were 
many  others  of  our  company,  that  I  hunted  up 
a  buffalo  robe,  of  which  there  were  large  numbers 
scattered  around,  threw  myself  down  on  it,  and 
was  asleep  almost  as  soon  as  I  touched  the  ground. 
The  next  thing  I  remember  was  being  awakened 
for  supper,  about  dusk.  We  were  told  that  we 
must  sleep  with  our  guns  in  our  hands,  ready  for 
use  at  any  moment.  Near  midnight,  we  were 
awakened  by  a  more  than  vigorous  call  of  our 
officers,  ordering  us  to  fall  into  line  immediately  to 
repel  an  attack.  We  rushed  out,  but  in  our  sleepy 
condition  had  difficulty  in  forming  a  line,  as  we 
hardly  knew  what  we  were  doing.  In  the  evening, 
by  order  of  the  commanding  officer,  all  the  Indian 
tents  outside  of  our  encampment  had  been  set  on 
fire  and  now  were  blazing  brightly  all  around  us. 


The  Battle  of  Sand  Creek        109 

We  heard  occasional  shots  in  various  directions, 
and  in  the  light  of  the  fire  saw  what  looked  to  be 
hundreds  of  Indian  ponies  running  hither  and 
thither.  We  saw  no  Indians,  but  we  knew  that 
savages  in  an  encounter  always  lie  on  the  side  of 
their  ponies  opposite  from  the  enemies  they  are 
attacking.  From  the  number  of  what  seemed  to 
be  horses  that  could  be  seen  in  every  direction, 
we  thought  that  we  should  surely  be  overwhelmed. 
After  forming  in  line,  and  while  waiting  for  the 
attack,  we  discovered  that  what  in  our  sleepy 
condition  we  had  imagined  to  be  ponies,  was 
nothing  but  the  numerous  dogs  of  the  Indian 
camp,  which,  having  lost  their  masters,  were 
running  wildly  in  every  direction.  Nevertheless, 
it  was  evident  that  Indians  were  all  around  us,  as 
our  pickets  had  been  fired  upon  and  driven  in 
from  every  side  of  the  camp.  After  remaining 
in  line  for  a  considerable  length  of  time,  without 
being  attacked,  the  regiment  was  divided  into 
two  divisions,  one  of  which  was  marched  fifty 
feet  in  front  of  the  other.  We  were  then  instructed 
to  get  our  blankets,  and,  wrapping  ourselves  in 
them,  with  our  guns  handy,  we  lay  down  and 
slept  the  remainder  of  the  night. 

In  the  Indian  camp  we  found  an  abundance  of 
flour,  sugar,  bacon,  coffee,  and  other  articles  of 


no         The  Third  Colorado  and 

food,  sufficient  for  our  maintenance,  had  we  needed 
it,  for  a  time.  In  many  of  the  tents  there  were 
articles  of  wearing  apparel  and  other  things  that 
had  been  taken  from  wagon-trains  which  the 
Indians  had  robbed  during  the  previous  summer. 
In  these  same  tents  we  found  a  dozen  or  more 
scalps  of  white  people,  some  of  them  being  from 
the  heads  of  women  and  children,  as  was  evi- 
denced by  the  color  and  fineness  of  the  hair, 
which  could  not  be  mistaken  for  that  of  any  other 
race.  One  of  the  scalps  showed  plainly  from  its 
condition  that  it  had  been  taken  only  recently. 
Certain  members  of  our  regiment  found  horses 
and  mules  in  the  Indian  herd  that  had  been  stolen 
from  them  by  the  hostiles  in  their  various  raids 
during  the  preceding  year.  The  camp  was  over- 
flowing with  proof  that  these  Indians  were  among 
those  who  had  been  raiding  the  settlements  of 
Colorado  during  the  previous  summer,  killing 
people,  robbing  wagon-trains,  burning  houses, 
running  off  stock,  and  committing  outrages  of 
which  only  a  savage  could  be  guilty;  this  evidence 
only  corroborated  in  the  strongest  possible  manner 
what  we  already  knew.  Among  the  members 
of  our  regiment,  there  were  many  who  had  had 
friends  and  relatives  killed,  scalped,  and  mutilated 
by  these  Indians,  and  almost  every  man  had 


The  Battle  of  Sand  Creek         in 

sustained  financial  loss  by  reason  of  their  raids; 
consequently  it  is  not  surprising  they  should  be 
determined  to  inflict  such  punishment  upon  the 
savages  as  would  deter  them  from  further  raids 
upon  our  settlements.  Notwithstanding  the  fact 
that  this  grim  determination  was  firmly  fixed  in 
the  mind  of  every  one,  I  never  saw  any  one  de- 
liberately shoot  at  a  squaw,  nor  do  I  believe  that 
any  children  were  intentionally  killed. 

About  noon  of  the  day  following  the  battle,  our 
wagon-train  came  up,  and  was  formed  into  a  hollow 
square  in  the  center  of  our  camp,  the  lines  being 
drawn  in,  so  that  if  necessary  the  wagons  could 
be  used  as  a  means  of  defense.  We  knew  that  on 
the  Smoky  Hill  River,  from  fifty  to  seventy-five 
miles  distant,  there  was  another  large  body  of 
Cheyennes  and  Arapahoes  which  might  attack  us 
at  any  time.  In  every  direction  throughout  the 
day,  many  Indians  were  seen  hovering  around  our 
camp.  Scouting  parties  were  seldom  able  to  get 
very  far  away  from  camp  without  being  fired 
upon,  and  several  of  our  men  were  killed  and  a 
number  wounded  in  the  skirmishes  that  took 
place.  During  the  second  night  of  our  stay  on 
the  battle  ground,  we  were  kept  in  line  continu- 
ously, with  our  arms  ready  for  use  at  a  moment's 
notice.  At  intervals  during  the  entire  night,  there 


ii2          The  Third  Colorado  and 

was  an  exchange  of  shots  at  various  points  around 
the  camp. 

I  never  understood  why  we  did  not  follow  up 
our  victory  by  an  attack  upon  the  hostile  bands 
camped  on  the  Smoky  Hill  River,  but  I  assume  it 
was  on  account  of  our  regiment's  inferior  horses, 
arms,  and  equipment.  Probably  Colonel  Chiv- 
ington,  taking  this  into  consideration,  thought 
his  force  not  strong  enough  to  fight  such  a  large 
party  successfully. 

The  following  day,  the  command  took  up  its 
line  of  march  down  the  Big  Sandy  and  followed  it 
to  the  Arkansas  River,  then  easterly,  along  the 
north  side  of  that  stream  to  the  western  boundary 
of  Kansas.  Soon  after  we  reached  the  Arkansas 
River,  we  found  the  trail  of  a  large  party  of 
Indians  traveling  down  the  valley.  They  seemed 
to  be  in  great  haste  to  get  away  from  us,  as  they 
had  thrown  away  their  camp  kettles,  buffalo 
robes,  and  everything  that  might  impede  their 
flight.  Realizing  that  the  Indians  could  not  be 
overtaken  with  the  whole  command,  on  account 
of  the  poor  condition  of  many  of  the  horses,  our 
officers  specially  detailed  three  hundred  of  our 
best  mounted  and  best  armed  men,  and  sent  them 
forward  in  pursuit  under  forced  march;  but  even 
this  plan  was  unsuccessful,  and  the  pursuit  was 


The  Battle  of  Sand  Creek        113 

finally  abandoned  when  near  the  Kansas  line. 
The  term  of  enlistment  of  our  regiment  had  al- 
ready expired,  for  which  reason  the  command 
was  reluctantly  faced  about,  and  the  return 
march  to  Denver  begun. 

From  the  time  we  left  the  Sand  Creek  battle 
ground,  it  had  been  very  cold  and  disagreeable. 
Sharp,  piercing  winds  blew  from  the  north  almost 
incessantly,  making  us  extremely  uncomfortable 
during  the  day,  and  even  more  so  at  night.  Being 
without  tents  and  compelled  to  sleep  on  the  open 
prairie,  with  no  protection  whatever  from  the 
wind,  at  times  we  found  the  cold  almost  unbear- 
able. The  thin,  shoddy  government  blankets 
afforded  only  the  slightest  possible  protection 
against  the  bitter  winds;  consequently  those  were 
fortunate  indeed  who  could  find  a  gully  in  which 
to  make  their  bed.  Our  march  back  to  Denver 
was  leisurely  and  uneventful.  We  reached  there 
in  due  course  and  were  mustered  out  of  service  on 
the  2Qth  day  of  December,  1864.  We  dispersed 
to  our  homes,  convinced  that  we  had  done  a  good 
work  and  that  it  needed  only  a  little  further 
punishment  of  the  savages  permanently  to  settle 
the  Indian  troubles  so  far  as  this  Territory  was 
concerned. 


CHAPTER  V 

A  DEFENSE  OF  THE  BATTLE  OF  SAND  CREEK 


CEW  events  in  American  history  have  been  the 
subject  of  so  much  misrepresentation  as  the 
battle  of  Sand  Creek.  It  has  gone  down  into 
history  as  an  indefensible  massacre  of  peaceable 
Indians,  and  perhaps  nothing  that  can  now  be 
said  will  change  this  erroneous  impression  of  the 
world  at  large,  notwithstanding  the  fact  that  the 
accusation  is  unjust  and  a  libel  upon  the  people 
of  Colorado.  Worst  of  all,  it  was  given  wide 
publicity  through  the  reports  of  two  Congressional 
committees  following  unfair,  one-sided,  and  preju- 
diced investigations.  Unfortunately,  at  that  time, 
Colorado,  being  a  Territory,  had  no  Senators  or 
Representatives  in  Congress  to  defend  the  good 
name  of  its  people,  and  to  add  to  the  bad  features 
of  the  situation,  its  people  at  home  realized  but 
dimly  what  was  taking  place  at  Washington, 
until  after  the  mischief  was  done;  consequently 
to  a  great  extent  the  Congressional  investigations 

114 


The  Battle  of  Sand  Creek         115 

went  by  default,  so  far  as  the  people  of  Colorado 
were  concerned. 

It  should  be  kept  in  mind  that  Colorado,  com- 
paratively speaking,  was  more  remote  from  the 
rest  of  the  world  at  that  time  than  Alaska  is  to- 
day, and  the  means  of  disseminating  news  through- 
out the  Territory  were  exceedingly  limited. 
From  early  in  November  of  1864  until  March, 
1865,  the  coaches  that  carried  the  mail  between 
the  Missouri  River  towns  and  Denver  ceased 
running  on  account  of  the  hostility  of  the  Indians, 
and  all  this  time  Colorado  was  cut  off  from  the  rest 
of  the  world,  except  for  a  limited  telegraph  service 
that  did  not  reach  any  point  in  the  Territory  out- 
side of  Denver.  Consequently,  the  enemies  of 
Colonel  Chivington  and  the  Third  Colorado 
Cavalry,  had  full  sway  in  their  efforts  to  blacken 
the  reputation  of  these  representative  citizens  of 
Colorado.  I  wish  to  emphasize  the  fact  that  a 
large  majority  of  the  members  of  the  Third  Colo- 
rado Cavalry  were  high-class  men,  whatever  may 
be  said  to  the  contrary.  Colorado  had  been  settled 
less  than  six  years  and  most  of  its  inhabitants  had 
come  to  the  Territory  in  1860,  only  four  years 
previously.  These  people  were  from  every  part 
of  the  United  States,  many  of  them  farmers, 
merchants,  and  professional  men,  and  the  men 


n6  A  Defense  of 

who  enlisted  in  the  Third  Colorado  were  largely 
of  this  class. 

The  accusations  on  which  the  various  Congres- 
sional and  military  investigations  were  based  had 
their  origin  in  the  jealousy  of  military  officers. 
It  was  the  same  kind  of  spirit  that  caused  the  loss 
of  more  than  one  battle  in  the  Civil  War.  How- 
ever, at  Sand  Creek,  on  account  of  the  secrecy 
of  preparations,  the  victory  could  not  be  pre- 
vented, but  the  good  effects  could  be,  and  were, 
completely  nullified,  to  the  great  detriment  of  the 
people  of  Colorado;  and  this  was  done  by  officers 
who  had  been  former  residents  of  the  Territory 
and  were  indebted  to  it  for  their  official  positions. 
But  fully  to  understand  the  animus  of  these 
officers,  it  is  necessary  for  the  reader  to  know 
something  of  their  personality,  as  well  as  that  of 
the  other  officers  involved  in  the  controversy. 

Colonel  John  M.  Chivington,  who  was  in  com- 
mand at  the  battle  of  Sand  Creek,  and  who  was 
the  principal  target  throughout  the  various 
investigations,  was  the  Rev.  John  M.  Chivington, 
who  from  1860  to  1862  was  in  charge  of  the 
Methodist  missions  in  the  region  now  forming 
the  State  of  Colorado.  He  was  a  member  of  the 
Kansas-Nebraska  Conference,  and  had  been  se- 
lected for  this  mission  work  because  of  his 


John  M.  Chivington 
Colonel  First  Colorado  Volunteer  Cavalry 


The  Battle  of  Sand  Creek         117 

unusual  energy,  ability,  and  force  of  character. 
The  commanding  position  that  the  Methodist 
Church  early  assumed  in  the  Territory  under  his 
administration  confirmed  the  wisdom  of  his 
appointment. 

Upon  the  organization  of  the  First  Colorado 
Volunteer  Cavalry  in  the  early  part  of  1862,  Mr. 
Chivington  resigned  his  position  as  presiding 
elder  of  the  Rocky  Mountain  District,  and  was 
commissioned  Major  of  the  new  regiment.  He 
at  once  became  the  regiment's  most  influential 
officer.  He  was  the  most  prominent  figure  in  its 
wonderful  march  to  New  Mexico,  and  the  re- 
markable victories  won  by  it  over  the  invading 
Confederates  were  largely  due  to  his  brilliant 
leadership.  By  the  end  of  the  active  campaign, 
which  was  a  short  one,  Major  Chivington  had 
become  so  popular  with  the  officers  and  enlisted 
men  that  upon  the  resignation  of  John  P.  Slough, 
the  Colonel  of  the  regiment,  soon  after,  he  was 
promoted  to  that  position  over  Lieutenant-Colonel 
Samuel  F.  Tappan  on  petition  of  every  com- 
missioned officer  of  the  regiment.  Here  was  the 
beginning  of  all  his  troubles,  as  will  be  seen 
farther  along  in  my  narrative.  Later,  Colonel 
Chivington  was  appointed  by  General  Canby  to 
the  command  of  the  military  district  of  Southern 


n8  A  Defense  of 

New  Mexico,  and  was  afterward  transferred  to 
the  command  of  the  military  district  of  Colorado, 
which  position  he  held  at  the  time  of  the  battle 
of  Sand  Creek. 

Colonel  Chivington  was  a  man  of  commanding 
personality,  and  possessed  marked  ability  both  as 
a  preacher  and  as  an  army  officer.  I  can  do  no 
better  than  quote  what  General  Frank  Hall  says 
of  him  in  his  History  of  Colorado: 

Though  wholly  unskilled  in  the  science  of  war,  with 
but  little  knowledge  of  drill  and  discipline,  Major 
Chivington,  of  Herculean  frame  and  gigantic  stature, 
possessed  the  courage  and  exhibited  the  discreet 
boldness,  dash,  and  brilliancy  in  action  which  dis- 
tinguished the  more  illustrious  of  our  volunteer 
officers  during  the  war.  His  first  encounter  with  the 
Texans  at  Apache  Canon  was  sudden  and  more  or 
less  of  a  surprise.  The  occasion  demanded  not  only 
instantaneous  action,  but  such  disposition  of  his 
force  as  to  render  it  most  effective  against  superior 
numbers  and  the  highly  advantageous  position  of  the 
enemy.  He  seemed  to  comprehend  at  a  glance  the 
necessities  of  the  situation  and  handled  his  troops  like 
a  veteran.  His  daring  and  rapid  movement  across 
the  mountains  and  the  total  destruction  of  the 
enemy's  train,  simultaneously  with  the  battle  of 
Pigeon's  Ranch,  again  attested  his  excellent  general- 
ship. It  put  an  end  to  the  war  by  forcing  the  in- 
vaders to  a  precipitate  flight  back  to  their  homes. 
He  hesitated  at  nothing.  Sure  of  the  devotion  and 


The  Battle  of  Sand  Creek         119 

gallantry  of  his  men,  he  was  always  ready  for  any 
adventure,  however  desperate,  which  promised  the 
discomfiture  of  his  adversaries. 

We  cannot  but  believe  that  had  his  application  for 
the  transfer  of  his  regiment  to  the  Army  of  the  Poto- 
mac, or  to  any  of  the  great  armies  operating  under 
Grant,  been  acceded  to,  he  would  have  made  a  still 
prouder  record  for  himself,  the  regiment,  and  the 
Territory.  That  he  was  endowed  with  the  capabili- 
ties of  a  superior  commander,  none  who  saw  him  in 
action  will  deny. 

I  fully  concur  in  General  Hall's  estimate  of 
Colonel  Chivington's  marked  ability.  I  knew  him 
well,  as  he  was  a  frequent  visitor  at  our  house  in 
the  mining  town  of  Hamilton,  in  the  early  days. 
The  overshadowing  reputation  made  by  Colonel 
Chivington  in  the  campaign  against  the  Texas  in- 
vaders of  New  Mexico,  and  his  subsequent  pro- 
motion to  the  colonelcy  of  the  regiment  over 
Lieutenant- Colonel  Samuel  F.  Tappan,  although 
apparently  acquiesced  in  at  the  time,  aroused 
a  spirit  of  jealousy,  envy,  and  antagonism  against 
him  on  the  part  of  a  small  group  of  officers  headed 
by  Lieutenant-Colonel  Tappan  and  Major  E.  W. 
Wynkoop,  which  was  participated  in  by  Captain 
Soule,  Lieutenant  Cramer,  and  other  subordinates. 
This  antagonism  manifested  itself  on  every  later 
occasion.  It  was  the  jealousy  of  mediocrity 


120  A  Defense  of 

manifested  against  superior  ability  and  worth; 
for  one  can  search  the  records  of  the  First  Colorado 
in  vain  for  anything  noteworthy  ever  accomplished 
by  either  Tappan,  Wynkoop,  or  Soule.  After 
their  return  from  New  Mexico,  these  officers  never 
allowed  an  opportunity  to  pass  for  discrediting 
and  injuring  the  "Preacher  Colonel,"  and  after 
the  battle  of  Sand  Creek  they  never  tired  of  re- 
ferring to  it  as  an  evidence  of  his  unfitness. 

Lieutenant-Colonel  Tappan  had  been  a  profes- 
sional newspaper  correspondent  before  entering 
the  army,  consequently,  he  had  no  trouble  in 
filling  the  Eastern  publications  with  exaggerated 
and  distorted  accounts  of  the  battle.  In  his 
crusade  he  had  the  active  aid  of  Major  Wynkoop, 
of  S.  G.  Colley,  the  Indian  agent  at  Fort  Lyon, 
and  of  all  the  Indian  traders,  interpreters,  half- 
breeds,  and  others  of  similar  character  congre- 
gated around  the  Indian  agency.  He  also  had  the 
support  of  the  Indian  Bureau  at  Washington, 
which  usually  took  the  sentimental  side  of  every 
question  affecting  the  Indians. 

Prior  to  1864  Indians  who  had  been  on  the  war- 
path during  the  summer  were  permitted  to  make 
peace  in  the  fall,  remain  unmolested  during  the 
winter,  receive  annuities,  rest  up,  and  accumulate 
ammunition  for  the  coming  summer's  raids;  but 


The  Battle  of  Sand  Creek         121 

in  that  year  the  overtures  of  the  Cheyennes  and 
Arapahoes  were  rejected,  except  upon  the  con- 
dition that  they  deliver  up  their  arms  and  sub- 
mit to  the  military  authorities.  This  they  not 
only  refused  to  do,  but  continued  their  depre- 
dations at  places  convenient  to  their  winter  camps, 
and  received  from  Colonel  Chivington's  command 
the  punishment  they  so  richly  deserved.  Naturally 
this  meant  great  financial  loss  to  the  Indian 
agents,  traders,  and  hangers-on  around  the 
Indian  agency;  and,  as  a  result,  these  people 
actively  joined  in  the  attack  upon  Colonel  Chiv- 
ington. 

This  crusade  resulted  in  two  Congressional  in- 
vestigations of  the  battle,  and  also  in  a  hearing  by 
a  military  commission.  Before  the  Joint  Special 
Committee  of  the  two  Houses  of  Congress  the 
principal  witnesses  were  Major  Wynkoop,  Captain 
Soule,  Lieutenant  Cramer,  two  Indian  agents,  two 
Indian  traders,  two  half-breeds,  and  one  interpre- 
ter to  sustain  the  accusations,  and  only  Governor 
Evans  and  three  minor  officers  of  the  Third  Col- 
orado regiment  for  the  defense.  Aside  from 
Governor  Evans  and  the  three  minor  officers  just 
mentioned,  the  witnesses  were  extremely  hostile 
to  Colonel  Chivington  and  were  ready  to  go  to 
any  length  in  their  testimony  in  order  to  blacken 


122  A  Defense  of 

his  reputation  and  that  of  the  Third  Colorado. 
In  the  investigation  before  the  Joint  Special  Com- 
mittee, neither  Colonel  Chivington  nor  Colonel 
Shoup  was  present  or  represented  in  any  way. 
In  the  hearing  before  the  Committee  on  the  Con- 
duct of  the  War,  Colonel  Shoup  was  not  repre- 
sented, and  Colonel  Chivington  only  by  means  of 
a  deposition.  As  a  result  of  these  partial  and  one- 
sided investigations,  both  committees  condemned 
Chivington  and  pronounced  the  battle  a  massacre. 
The  most  unjust  and  absurd  investigation  of  all 
was  that  made  by  the  military  commission,  which 
was  composed  of  three  officers  of  the  First  Col- 
orado Cavalry,  all  subordinates  of  Colonel  Chiving- 
ton, headed  by  his  inveterate  enemy  Lieutenant- 
Colonel  Samuel  F.  Tappan. 

The  accusation  made  at  each  hearing  was  that 
the  Cheyenne  and  Arapahoe  Indians  attacked 
,by  Colonel  Chivington's  command  at  Sand  Creek 
were  not  only  friendly  to  the  whites,  but  were 
under  the  protection  of  the  military  authorities 
at  Fort  Lyon,  and  that  the  battle  was,  by  the 
consent,  if  not  by  the  direction  of  Colonel  Chiv- 
ington, an  indiscriminate  massacre.  All  of  this 
I  believe  is  proved  to  be  untrue,  to  the  satisfaction 
of  any  reasonable  person,  by  the  facts  related  in 
my  account  of  the  battle,  and  of  the  hostilities 


Hon.  John  Evans 
Governor  of  Colorado,  1862-1865 


The  Battle  of  Sand  Creek         123 

in  El  Paso  County  and  elsewhere  preceding  it. 
In  corroboration  of  my  statements  as  to  the  hostile 
character  of  the  Indians  punished  at  Sand  Creek, 
and  to  show  the  conditions  existing  elsewhere 
in  the  Territory  previous  thereto,  I  quote  from 
Governor  Evans's  reply  to  the  report  of  the  Com- 
mittee on  the  Conduct  of  the  War,  dated  August 
6,  1865. 

In  the  Territorial  days  of  Colorado,  the  Gov- 
ernor was  ex-officio  Superintendent  of  Indian  Af- 
fairs. At  the  time  of  the  Sand  Creek  battle,  the 
Hon.  John  Evans,  formerly  of  Illinois,  was  Governor 
of  Colorado,  and  had  held  that  office  since  the 
spring  of  1862.  Governor  Evans  was  a  personal 
friend  of  President  Lincoln,  and  had  been  ap- 
pointed Governor  because  of  his  high  character, 
great  ability,  and  efficiency  in  administrative 
affairs.  Governor  Evans's  supervision  of  Indian 
affairs  in  Colorado  during  1862,  1863,  and  1864 
made  him  a  better  qualified  witness  as  to  the 
conditions  existing  among  the  various  tribes 
during  these  years  than  any  man  living.  The 
following  extracts  from  his  reply  to  that  part  of 
the  report  of  the  Committee  on  the  Conduct  of 
the  War,  which,  under  the  heading,  "Massacre 
of  the  Cheyenne  Indians,"  refers  to  his  responsi- 
bility in  the  matter,  tells  of  the  attitude  of  the 


124  A  Defense  of 

Indians  towards  the  whites  during  that  period 
and  of  his  own  strenuous  efforts  to  avert  hostili- 
ties. 

EXECUTIVE    DEPARTMENT  AND  SUPERINTENDENCY  OF  INDIAN 
AFFAIRS,  C.  T. 

DENVER,  August  6,  1865. 
To  THE  PUBLIC  : 

I  have  just  seen,  for  the  first  time,  a  copy  of  the 
report  of  the  Committee  on  the  Conduct  of  the  War, 
headed,  "  Massacre  of  Cheyenne  Indians." 

As  it  does  me  great  injustice,  and  by  its  partial, 
unfair,  and  erroneous  statements  will  mislead  the 
public,  I  respectfully  ask  a  suspension  of  opinion  in 
my  case  until  I  shall  have  time  to  present  the  facts 
to  said  committee  or  some  equally  high  authority, 
and  ask  a  correction.  In  the  meantime,  I  desire  to 
lay  a  few  facts  before  the  public.  The  report 
begins : 

"In  the  summer  of  1864  Governor  Evans,  of  Colo- 
rado Territory,  as  acting  Superintendent  of  Indian 
Affairs,  sent  notice  to  the  various  bands  and  tribes  of 
Indians  within  his  jurisdiction,  that  such  as  desired 
to  be  considered  friendly  to  the  whites  should  repair 
to  the  nearest  military  post  in  order  to  be  protected 
from  the  soldiers  who  were  to  take  the  field  against 
the  hostile  Indians." 

This  statement  is  true  as  to  such  notice  having  been 
sent,  but  conveys  the  false  impression  that  it  was  at 
the  beginning  of  hostilities,  and  the  declaration  of  war. 
The  truth  is,  it  was  issued  by  authority  of  the  In- 
dian Department  months  after  the  war  had  become 
general,  for  the  purpose  of  inducing  the  Indians  to 


The  Battle  of  Sand  Creek         125 

cease  hostilities,  and  to  protect  those  who  had  been,  or 
would  become,  friendly  from  the  inevitable  dangers 
to  which  they  were  exposed.  This  "notice"  may  be 
found  published  in  the  report  of  the  Commissioner  of 
Indian  Affairs  for  1864,  page  218. 

The  report  continues  : 

"About  the  close  of  the  summer  some  Cheyenne 
Indians,  in  the  neighborhood  of  the  Smoky  Hill,  sent 
word  to  Major  Wynkoop,  commanding  at  Fort  Lyon, 
that  they  had  in  their  possession,  and  were  willing  to 
deliver  up,  some  white  captives  they  had  purchased 
of  other  Indians.  Major  Wynkoop,  with  a  force  of 
over  one  hundred  men,  visited  these  Indians  and 
recovered  the  white  captives.  On  his  return  he  was 
accompanied  by  a  number  of  the  chiefs  and  leading 
men  of  the  Indians,  whom  he  had  brought  to  visit 
Denver  for  the  purpose  of  conferring  with  the  authori- 
ties there  in  regard  to  keeping  the  peace.  Among 
them  were  Black  Kettle  and  White  Antelope,  of  the 
Cheyennes,  and  some  chiefs  of  the  Arapahoes.  The 
council  was  held,  and  these  chiefs  stated  that  they  were 
friendly  to  the  whites  and  always  had  been." 

Again  they  say  : 

"All  the  testimony  goes  to  show  that  the  Indians 
under  the  immediate  control  of  Black  Kettle  and 
White  Antelope,  of  the  Cheyennes,  and  Left  Hand  of 
the  Arapahoes,  were,  and  had  always  been,  friendly 
to  the  whites,  and  had  not  been  guilty  of  any  acts  of 
hostility  or  depredations." 

This  word,  which  the  committee  say  was  sent  to 
Major  Wynkoop,  was  a  letter  to  United  States  Indian 
Agent,  Major  Colley,  which  is  published  in  the  report 
of  the  Commissioner  of  Indian  Affairs  for  1865,  page 
233,  and  is  as  follows: 


126  A  Defense  of 

"CHEYENNE  VILLAGE,  August  29,  1864. 

"MAJOR  COLLEY: 

"We  received  a  letter  from  Bent  wishing  us  to  make 
peace.  We  held  a  council  in  regard  to  it.  All  come 
to  the  conclusion  to  make  peace  with  you,  providing 
you  make  peace  with  the  Kiowas,  Comanches,  Arapa- 
hoes,  Apaches,  and  Sioux.  We  are  going  to  send  a 
messenger  to  the  Kiowas  and  to  the  other  nations 
about  our  going  to  make  peace  with  you.  We  heard 
that  you  have  some  [prisoners]  in  Denver.  We  have 
seven  prisoners  of  yours  which  we  are  willing  to  give 
up,  providing  you  give  up  yours.  There  are  three 
war  parties  out  yet,  and  two  of  Arapahoes.  They 
have  been  out  some  time,  and  expected  in  soon. 
When  we  held  this  council  there  were  few  Arapahoes 
and  Sioux  present. 

"We  want  true  news  from  you  in  return.  This  is 
a  letter. 

"BLACK  KETTLE  and  the  other  Chiefs." 

Compare  the  above  extract  from  the  report  of  the 
committee  with  this  published  letter  of  Black  Kettle, 
and  the  admission  of  the  Indians  in  the  council  at 
Denver. 

The  committee  say  the  prisoners  proposed  to  be 
delivered  up  were  purchased  of  other  Indians.  Black 
Kettle,  in  his  letter,  says:  "We  have  seven  prisoners 
of  yours,  which  we  are  willing  to  give  up,  providing 
you  give  up  yours."  They  say  nothing  about  pris- 
oners whom  they  had  purchased.  On  the  other  hand, 
in  the  council  held  in  Denver,  Black  Kettle  said : 

"Major  Wynkoop  was  kind  enough  to  receive  the 
letter  and  visited  them  in  camp,  to  whom  they 


The  Battle  of  Sand  Creek         127 

delivered  four  white  prisoners,  one  other  (Mrs. 
Snyder)  having  killed  herself;  that  there  are  two 
women  and  one  child  yet  in  their  camp  whom  they 
will  deliver  up  as  soon  as  they  can  get  them  in ;  Laura 
Roper,  1 6  or  17  years;  Ambrose  Asher,  7  or  8  years; 
Daniel  Marble,  7  or  8  years;  Isabel  Ubanks,  4  or  5 
years.  The  prisoners  still  with  them  [are]  Mrs. 
Ubanks  and  babe,  and  a  Mrs.  Norton  who  was  taken 
on  the  Platte.  Mrs.  Snyder  is  the  name  of  the  woman 
who  hung  herself.  The  boys  were  taken  between 
Fort  Kearney  and  the  Blue." 

Again:  They  did  not  deny  having  captured  the 
prisoners,  when  I  told  them  that  having  the  prison- 
ers in  their  possession  was  evidence  of  their  having 
committed  the  depredations  when  they  were  taken. 
But  White  Antelope  said:  "We  (the  Cheyennes) 
took  two  prisoners  west  of  Kearney,  and  destroyed 
the  trains."  Had  they  purchased  the  prisoners,  they 
would  not  have  been  slow  to  make  it  known  in  this 
council. 

The  committee  say  the  chiefs  went  to  Denver  to 
confer  with  the  authorities  about  keeping  the  peace. 
Black  Kettle  says:  "All  come  to  the  conclusion  to 
make  peace  with  you  providing  you  will  make  peace 
with  the  Kiowas,  Comanches,  Arapahoes,  Apaches, 
and  Sioux." 

Again  the  committee  say : 

"All  the  testimony  goes  to  show  that  the  Indians 
under  the  immediate  control  of  Black  Kettle  and 
White  Antelope,  of  the  Cheyennes,  and  Left  Hand, 
of  the  Arapahoes,  were,  and  had  been  friendly  to  the 
whites,  and  had  not  been  guilty  of  any  acts  of  hostility  or 
depredations" 


128  A  Defense  of 

Black  Kettle  says  in  his  letter:  "We  received  a 
letter  from  Bent,  wishing  us  to  make  peace."  Why 
did  Bent  send  a  letter  to  friendly  Indians,  and  want 
to  make  peace  with  Indians  who  had  always  been 
friendly?  Again  they  say :  "  We  have  held  a  council 
in  regard  to  it."  Why  did  they  hold  a  council  in 
regard  to  making  peace,  when  they  were  already 
peaceable?  Again  they  say:  "All  come  to  the  con- 
clusion to  make  peace  with  you  providing  you  make 
peace  with  the  Kiowas,  Comanches,  Arapahoes, 
Apaches,  and  Sioux.  We  have  seven  prisoners  of 
yours,  which  we  are  willing  to  give  up,  providing  you 
give  up  yours.  There  are  three  war  [not  peace] 
parties  out  yet,  and  two  of  Arapahoes." 

Every  line  of  this  letter  shows  that  they  were  and 
had  been  at  war.  I  desire  to  throw  additional  light 
upon  this  assertion  of  the  committee  that  these  In- 
dians "were  and  had  been  friendly  to  the  whites, 
and  had  not  been  guilty  of  any  acts  of  hostility  or 
depredations";  for  it  is  upon  this  point  that  the 
committee  accuses  me  of  prevarication. 

In  the  council  held  at  Denver,  White  Antelope  said : 
"We  [the  Cheyennes]  took  two  prisoners  west  of 
Kearney  and  destroyed  the  trains."  This  was  one  of 
the  most  destructive  and  bloody  raids  of  the  war. 
Again,  Neva  (Left  Hand's  brother)  said:  "The 
Comanches,  Kiowas,  and  Sioux  have  done  much  more 
harm  than  we  have." 

The  entire  report  of  this  council  shows  that  the 
Indians  had  been  at  war,  and  had  been  "guilty  of  acts 
of  hostility  and  depredations." 

As  showing  more  fully  the  status  and  disposition 
of  these  Indians,  I  call  your  attention  to  the  following 
extract  from  the  report  of  Major  Wynkoop,  published 


The  Battle  of  Sand  Creek        129 

in  the  report  of  the  Commissioner  of  Indian  Affairs 
for  1864,  page  234,  and  a  letter  from  Major  Colley, 
their  agent;  same  report,  page  230.  Also  statement 
of  Robert  North;  same  report,  page  224: 

"FORT  LYON,  COLORADO,  Sept.  18,  1864. 

"SIR: 

"...  Taking  with  me  under  strict  guard  the  Indians 
I  had  in  my  possession,  I  reached  my  destination  and 
was  confronted  by  from  six  to  eight  hundred  Indian 
warriors,  drawn  up  in  line  of  battle  and  prepared  to 
fight. 

"Putting  on  as  bold  a  front  as  I  could  under  the 
circumstances  I  formed  my  command  in  as  good  order 
as  possible  for  the  purpose  of  acting  on  the  offensive 
or  defensive,  as  might  be  necessary,  and  advanced 
towards  them,  at  the  same  time  sending  forward  one 
of  the  Indians  I  had  with  me,  as  an  emissary,  to  state 
that  I  had  come  for  the  purpose  of  holding  a  consul- 
tation with  the  chiefs  of  the  Arapahoes  and  Chey- 
ennes,  to  come  to  an  understanding  which  might 
result  in  mutual  benefit;  that  I  had  not  come  de- 
siring strife,  but  was  prepared  for  it  if  necessary, 
and  advised  them  to  listen  to  what  I  had  to  say, 
previous  to  making  any  more  warlike  demonstrations. 

"They  consented  to  meet  me  in  council,  and  I  then 
proposed  to  them  that  if  they  desired  peace  to  give 
me  palpable  evidence  of  their  sincerity  by  delivering 
into  my  hands  their  white  prisoners.  I  told  them  that 
I  was  not  authorized  to  conclude  terms  of  peace  with 
them,  but  if  they  acceded  to  my  proposition  I  would 
take  what  chiefs  they  might  choose  to  select  to  the 
Governor  of  Colorado  Territory,  state  the  circum- 


130  A  Defense  of 

stances  to  him,  and  that  I  believed  it  would  result 
in  what  it  was  their  desire  to  accomplish — 'peace 
with  their  white  brothers.'  I  had  reference  particu- 
larly to  the  Arapahoe  and  Cheyenne  tribes. 

"The  council  was  divided — undecided — and  could 
not  come  to  an  understanding  among  themselves.  I 
told  them  that  1  would  march  to  a  certain  locality, 
distant  twelve  miles,  and  await  a  given  time  for  their 
action  in  the  matter.  I  took  a  strong  position  in  the 
locality  named,  and  remained  three  days.  In  the  in- 
terval they  brought  in  and  turned  over  four  white 
prisoners,  all  that  was  possible  for  them  at  the  time 
being  to  turn  over,  the  balance  of  the  seven  being 
(as  they  stated)  with  another  band  far  to  the  north- 
ward. 

"I  have  the  principal  chiefs  of  the  two  tribes  with 
me,  and  propose  starting  immediately  to  Denver,  to 
put  into  effect  the  aforementioned  proposition  made 
by  me  to  them. 

"They  agree  to  deliver  up  the  balance  of  the 
prisoners  as  soon  as  it  is  possible  to  procure  them, 
which  can  be  done  better  from  Denver  City  than 
from  this  point. 

"I  have  the  honor,  Governor,  to  be  your  obedient 
servant, 

"E.  W.  WYNKOOP, 
"  Major  First  Col.  Cav.  Com'd'g 

Fort  Lyon,  C.  T. 
"His  Excellency,  JOHN  EVANS, 

"Governor  of  Colorado,  Denver,  C.  T." 

"  FORT  LYON,  COLORADO  TERRITORY,  July  26,  1 864. 
"SIR: 

"When  I  last  wrote  you,  I  was  in  hopes  that  our 


The  Battle  of  Sand  Creek         131 

Indian  troubles  were  at  an  end.  Colonel  Chivington 
has  just  arrived  from  Larned  and  gives  a  sad  account 
of  affairs  at  that  post.  They  have  killed  some  ten 
men  from  a  train,  and  run  off  all  the  stock  from  the 
post. 

"As  near  as  they  can  learn,  all  the  tribes  were 
engaged  in  it.  The  colonel  will  give  you  the  particu- 
lars. There  is  no  dependence  to  be  put  in  any  of 
them.  I  have  done  everything  in  my  power  to  keep 
the  peace;  I  now  think  a  little  powder  and  lead  is  the 
best  food  for  them. 

"Respectfully,  your  obedient  servant, 
"S.  G.  COLLEY, 

United  States  Indian  Agent. 
"Hon.  JOHN  EVANS, 

"Governor  and  Superintendent  Indian  Affairs." 

The  following  statement  by  Robert  North  was  made 
tome: 

"November  10,  1863. 

"Having  recovered  an  Arapahoe  prisoner  (a  squaw) 
from  the  Utes,  I  obtained  the  confidence  of  the  In- 
dians completely.  I  have  lived  with  them  from  a 
boy  and  my  wife  is  an  Arapahoe. 

"In  honor  of  my  exploit  in  recovering  the  prisoner, 
the  Indians  recently  gave  me  a  'big  medicine  dance' 
about  fifty  miles  below  Fort  Lyon,  on  the  Arkansas 
River,  at  which  the  leading  chiefs  and  warriors  of 
several  of  the  tribes  of  the  plains  met. 

"The  Comanches,  Apaches,  Kiowas,  the  northern 
band  of  Arapahoes,  and  all  of  the  Cheyennes,  with  the 
Sioux,  have  pledged  one  another  to  go  to  war  with  the 
whites  as  soon  as  they  can  procure  ammunition  in 


132  A  Defense  of 

the  spring.  I  have  heard  them  discuss  the  matter 
often,  and  the  few  of  them  who  opposed  it  were  forced 
to  be  quiet,  and  were  really  in  danger  of  their  lives.  I 
saw  the  principal  chiefs  pledge  to  each  other  that  they 
would  be  friendly  and  shake  hands  with  the  whites 
until  they  procured  ammunition  and  guns,  so  as  to  be 
ready  when  they  strike.  Plundering  to  get  means 
has  already  commenced ;  and  the  plan  is  to  commence 
the  war  at  several  points  in  the  sparse  settlements 
early  in  the  spring.  They  wanted  me  to  join  them  in 
the  war,  saying  that  they  would  take  a  great  many 
white  women  and  children  prisoners,  and  get  a  heap 
of  property,  blankets,  etc. ;  but  while  I  am  connected 
with  them  by  marriage,  and  live  with  them,  I  am  yet 
a  white  man,  and  wish  to  avoid  bloodshed.  There 
are  many  Mexicans  with  the  Comanche  and  Apache 
Indians,  all  of  whom  urge  on  the  war,  promising  to 
help  the  Indians  themselves,  and  that  a  great  many 
more  Mexicans  would  come  up  from  New  Mexico 
for  the  purpose  in  the  spring." 

In  addition  to  the  statement  showing  that  all  the 
Cheyennes  were  in  the  alliance,  I  desire  to  add  the  fol- 
lowing frank  admission  from  the  Indians  in  the 
council : 

"Governor  Evans  explained  that  smoking  the  war- 
pipe  was  a  figurative  term,  but  their  conduct  had  been 
such  as  to  show  that  they  had  an  understanding  with 
other  tribes. 

"Several  Indians:  We  acknowledge  that  our  ac- 
tions have  given  you  reason  to  believe  this." 

In  addition  to  all  this,  I  refer  to  the  statement  of 
Mrs.  Ewbanks.  She  is  one  of  the  prisoners  that 
Black  Kettle,  in  the  council,  said  they  had.  Instead 


The  Battle  of  Sand  Creek         133 

of  purchasing  her,   they  first  captured  her  on   the 
Little  Blue,  and  then  sold  her  to  the  Sioux. 

Mrs.  Martin,  another  rescued  prisoner,  was  cap- 
tured by  the  Cheyennes  on  Plum  Creek,  west  of 
Kearney,  with  a  boy  nine  years  old.  These  were 
the  prisoners  of  which  White  Antelope  said,  in  the 
council,  "We  took  two  prisoners  west  of  Kearney, 
and  destroyed  the  trains."  In  her  published  state- 
ment she  says  the  party  who  captured  her  and  the  boy 
killed  eleven  men  and  destroyed  the  trains  and  were 
mostly  Cheyennes. 

Thus  I  have  proved  by  the  Indian  chiefs  named  in 
the  report,  by  Agent  Colley  and  Major  Wynkoop,  to 
whom  they  refer  to  sustain  their  assertion  to  the 
contrary,  that  these  Indians  had  "been  at  war,  and 
had  committed  acts  of  hostility  and  depredations." 

In  regard  to  their  status  prior  to  their  council  at 
Denver,  the  foregoing  public  documents  which  I  have 
cited  show  how  utterly  devoid  of  truth  or  foundation 
is  the  assertion  that  these  Indians  "had  been  friendly 
to  the  whites,  and  had  not  been  guilty  of  any  acts  of 
hostility  or  depredations." 

The  next  paragraph  of  the  report  is  as  follows : 

"A  northern  band  of  Cheyennes,  known  as  the 
'Dog  Soldiers,'  had  been  guilty  of  acts  of  hostility; 
but  all  the  testimony  goes  to  prove  that  they  had  no 
connection  with  Black  Kettle's  band,  and  acted  in 
spite  of  his  authority  and  influence.  Black  Kettle 
and  his  band  denied  all  connection  with,  or  responsi- 
bility for,  the  Dog  Soldiers,  and  Left  Hand  and  his 
band  were  equally  friendly." 

The  committee  and  the  public  will  be  surprised  to 
learn  the  fact  that  these  Dog  Soldiers,  on  which  the 
committee  throws  the  slight  blame  for  acts  of  hos- 


134  A  Defense  of 

tility,  were  really  among  Black  Kettle's  and  White 
Antelope's  own  warriors,  in  the  "friendly"  camp  to 
which  Major  Wynkoop  made  his  expedition,  and  their 
head  man,  Bull  Bear,  was  one  of  the  prominent  men 
of  the  deputation  brought  in  to  see  me  at  Denver. 
By  reference  to  the  report  of  the  council  with  the 
chiefs,  to  which  I  referred  the  committee,  it  will  be 
observed  that  Black  Kettle  and  all  present  based  their 
propositions  to  make  peace  upon  the  assent  of  their 
bands,  and  that  these  Dog  Soldiers  were  especially 
referred  to. 

The  report  continues : 

"These  Indians,  at  the  suggestion  of  Governor 
Evans  and  Colonel  Chivington,  repaired  to  Fort 
Lyon  and  placed  themselves  under  the  protection 
of  Major  Wynkoop,  etc." 

The  connection  of  my  name  in  this  is  again  wrong. 
I  simply  left  them  in  the  hands  of  the  military 
authorities,  where  I  found  them,  and  my  action  was 
approved  by  the  Indian  Bureau. 

The  following  extracts  from  the  report  of  the  coun- 
cil will  prove  this  conclusively.  I  stated  to  the 
Indians : 

"...  Another  reason  that  I  am  not  in  a  condition 
to  make  a  treaty  is,  that  the  war  is  begun,  and  the 
power  to  make  a  treaty  of  peace  has  passed  from  me 
to  the  great  war  chief." 

I  also  said:  "Again,  whatever  peace  they  may 
make  must  be  with  the  soldiers  and  not  with  me." 

And  again,  in  reply  to  White  Antelope's  inquiry, 
"How  can  we  be  protected  from  the  soldiers  on  the 
plains?"  I  said:  "You  must  make  that  arrange- 
ment with  the  military  chief." 

The  morning  after  this  council,  I  addressed  the 


The  Battle  of  Sand  Creek         135 

following  letter  to  the  agent  of  these  Indians,  which  is 
published  in  the  report  of  the  Commissioner  of 
Indian  Affairs  for  1864,  page  220: 

"COLORADO  SUPERINTENDENCY  INDIAN  AFFAIRS, 
DENVER,  September  29,  1864. 

"SIR: 

"The  chiefs  brought  in  by  Major  Wynkoop  have 
been  heard.  I  have  declined  to  make  any  peace 
with  them,  lest  it  might  embarrass  the  military 
operations  against  the  hostile  Indians  on  the  plains. 
The  Arapahoe  and  Cheyenne  Indians  being  now  at 
war. with  the  United  States  Government,  must  make 
peace  with  the  military  authorities.  Of  course  this 
arrangement  relieves  the  Indian  Bureau  of  their 
care  until  peace  is  declared  with  them;  and  as  these 
tribes  are  yet  scattered,  and  all  except  Friday's  band 
are  at  war,  it  is  not  probable  that  it  will  be  done 
immediately.  You  will  be  particular  to  impress  upon 
these  chiefs  the  fact  that  my  talk  with  them  was  for 
the  purpose  of  ascertaining  their  views,  and  not  to 
offer  them  anything  whatever.  They  must  deal  with 
the  military  authorities  until  peace,  in  which  case, 
alone,  they  will  be  in  proper  position  to  treat  with 
the  government  in  relation  to  the  future. 

"I  have  the  honor  to  be,  very  respectfully,  your 
obedient  servant, 

"JOHN  EVANS, 

"  Governor  Colorado  Territory  and 
"ex-officio  Superintendent  of  Indian  Affairs. 

"MAJOR  S.  G.  COLLEY, 
"United  States  Indian  Agent,  Upper  Arkansas." 

It  will  thus  be  seen  that  I  had,  with  the  approval 


136  A  Defense  of 

of  the  Indian  Bureau,  turned  the  adjustment  of 
difficulties  with  the  hostile  Indians  entirely  over  to  the 
military  authorities;  that  I  had  instructed  Agent 
Colley,  at  Fort  Lyon,  that  this  would  relieve  the  Bu- 
reau of  further  care  of  the  Arapahoes  and  Cheyennes, 
until  peace  was  made,  and  having  had  no  notice  of 
such  peace,  or  instructions  to  change  the  arrange- 
ment, the  status  of  these  Indians  was  in  no  respect 
within  my  jurisdiction,  or  under  my  official  inspec- 
tion. 

It  may  be  proper  for  me  to  say  further,  that  it 
will  appear  in  evidence  that  I  had  no  intimation  of 
the  direction  in  which  the  campaign  against  the 
hostile  Indians  was  to  move,  or  against  what  bands 
it  was  to  be  made,  when  I  left  the  Territory  last  fall, 
and  that  I  was  absent  from  Colorado  when  the  Sand 
Creek  battle  occurred. 

The  report  continues : 

"It  is  true  that  there  seems  to  have  been  excited 
among  the  people  inhabiting  that  region  of  country 
a  hostile  feeling  towards  the  Indians.  Some  had 
committed  acts  of  hostility  towards  the  whites,  but 
no  effort  seems  to  have  been  made  by  the  authorities 
there  to  prevent  these  hostilities,  other  than  by  the 
commission  of  even  worse  acts." 

"  Some  had  committed  acts  of  hostility  towards 
the  whites!"  Hear  the  facts:  In  the  fall  of  1863  a 
general  alliance  of  the  Indians  of  the  plains  was 
effected  with  the  Sioux,  and  in  the  language  of  Bull 
Bear,  in  the  report  of  the  council,  "Their  plan  is  to 
clean  out  all  this  country." 

The  war  opened  early  in  the  spring  of  1864.  The 
people  of  the  East,  absorbed  in  the  greater  interest 
of  the  rebellion,  know  but  little  of  its  history.  Stock 


The  Battle  of  Sand  Creek         137 

was  stolen,  ranches  destroyed,  houses  burned,  freight 
trains  plundered,  and  their  contents  carried  away  or 
scattered  upon  the  plains;  settlers  in  the  frontier 
counties  murdered,  or  forced  to  seek  safety  for  them- 
selves and  families  in  blockhouses  and  interior  towns ; 
emigrants  to  our  Territory  were  surprised  in  their 
camps,  children  were  slain,  and  wives  taken  prisoners ; 
our  trade  and  travel  with  the  States  were  cut  off ;  the 
necessities  of  life  were  at  starvation  prices;  the  in- 
terests of  the  Territory  were  being  damaged  to  the 
extent  of  millions;  every  species  of  atrocity  and 
barbarity  which  characterizes  savage  warfare  was 
committed.  This  is  no  fancy  sketch,  but  a  plain 
statement  of  facts  of  which  the  committee  seem  to 
have  had  no  proper  realization.  All  this  history 
of  war  and  blood — all  this  history  of  rapine  and  ruin 
— all  this  story  of  outrage  and  suffering  on  the  part 
of  our  people — is  summed  up  by  the  committee,  and 
given  to  the  public  in  one  mild  sentence,  "Some  had 
committed  acts  of  hostility  against  the  whites." 

The  committee  not  only  ignore  the  general  and 
terrible  character  of  our  Indian  war,  and  the  great 
sufferings  of  our  people,  but  make  the  grave  charge 
that  "no  effort  seems  to  have  been  made  by  the 
authorities  there  to  prevent  all  these  hostilities." 

Had  the  committee  taken  the  trouble,  as  they 
certainly  should  have  done  before  making  so  grave 
a  charge,  to  have  read  the  public  documents  of  the 
government,  examined  the  record  and  files  of  the 
Indian  Bureau,  of  the  War  Department,  and  of  this 
superintendency,  instead  of  adopting  the  language  of 
some  hostile  and  irresponsible  witness,  as  they  appear 
to  have  done,  they  would  have  found  that  the  most 
earnest  and  persistent  efforts  had  been  made  on  my 


138  A  Defense  of 

part  to  prevent  hostilities.  The  records  show  that 
early  in  the  spring  of  1863,  United  States  Indian 
Agent  Loree,  of  the  Upper  Platte  Agency,  reported 
to  me  in  person  that  the  Sioux  under  his  agency,  and 
the  Arapahoes  and  Cheyennes,  were  negotiating  an 
alliance  for  war  on  the  whites.  I  immediately  wrote 
an  urgent  appeal  for  authority  to  avert  the  danger, 
and  sent  Agent  Loree  as  special  messenger  with  the 
dispatch  to  Washington.  In  response  authority  was 
given,  and  an  earnest  effort  was  made  to  collect  the 
Indians  in  council.  The  following  admission,  in  the 
report  of  the  council,  explains  the  result: 

"Governor  Evans:  '  .  .  .  Hearing  last  fall  that  they 
were  dissatisfied,  the  Great  Father  at  Washington  sent 
me  out  on  the  plains  to  talk  with  you  and  make  it  all 
right.  I  sent  messengers  out  to  tell  you  that  I  had 
presents,  and  would  make  you  a  feast;  but  you  sent 
word  to  me  that  you  did  not  want  to  have  anything 
to  do  with  me,  and  to  the  Great  Father  at  Washington 
that  you  could  get  along  without  him.  Bull  Bear 
wanted  to  come  in  to  see  me,  at  the  head  of  the 
Republican,  but  his  people  held  a  council  and  would 
not  let  him  come.' 

"  Black  Kettle :     '  That  is  true. ' 

"Governor  Evans:  'I  was  under  the  necessity, 
after  all  my  trouble,  and  all  the  expense  I  was  at,  of 
returning  home  without  seeing  them.  Instead  of 
this,  your  people  went  away  and  smoked  the  war- 
pipe  with  our  enemies.' ' 

Notwithstanding  these  unsuccessful  efforts,  I  still 
hoped  to  preserve  peace. 

The  records  of  these  offices  also  show  that,  in  the 
autumn  of  1863,  I  was  reliably  advised  from  various 
sources  that  nearly  all  the  Indians  of  the  plains  had 


The  Battle  of  Sand  Creek         139 

formed  an  alliance  for  the  purpose  of  going  to  war  in 
the  spring,  and  I  immediately  commenced  my  efforts 
to  avert  the  imminent  danger.  From  that  time  for- 
ward, by  letter,  by  telegram,  and  personal  represen- 
tation to  the  Commissioner  of  Indian  Affairs,  the 
Secretary  of  War,  the  commanders  of  the  department 
and  district;  by  traveling  for  weeks  in  the  wilderness 
of  the  plains;  by  distribution  of  annuities  and  pres- 
ents; by  sending  notice  to  the  Indians  to  leave  the 
hostile  alliance;  by  every  means  within  my  power,  I 
endeavored  to  preserve  peace  and  protect  the  inter- 
ests of  the  people  of  the  Territory.  And  in  the  face 
of  all  this,  which  the  records  abundantly  show,  the 
committee  say:  " No  effort  seems  to  have  been  made 
by  the  authorities  there  to  prevent  these  hostilities, 
other  than  by  the  commission  of  even  worse  acts." 

They  do  not  point  out  any  of  these  acts,  unless  the 
continuation  of  the  paragraph  is  intended  to  do  so. 
It  proceeds : 

"The  hatred  of  the  whites  to  the  Indians  would 
seem  to  have  been  inflamed  and  excited  to  the  ut- 
most. The  bodies  of  persons  killed  at  a  distance — 
whether  by  Indians  or  not  is  not  certain — were 
brought  to  the  capital  of  the  Territory  and  exposed 
to  the  public  gaze,  for  the  purpose  of  inflaming  still 
more  the  already  excited  feelings  of  the  people." 

There  is  no  mention  in  this  of  anything  that  was 
done  by  authority,  but  it  is  so  full  of  misrepresenta- 
tion, in  apology  for  the  Indians,  and  unjust  reflection 
on  a  people  who  have  a  right  from  their  birth,  educa- 
tion, and  ties  of  sympathy  with  the  people  they  so 
recently  left  behind  them,  to  have  at  least  a  just 
consideration.  The  bodies  referred  to  were  those 
of  the  Hungate  family,  who  were  brutally  murdered 


140  A  Defense  of 

by  the  Indians,  within  twenty-five  miles  of  Denver. 
No  one  here  ever  doubted  that  the  Indians  did  it, 
and  it  was  admitted  by  the  Indians  in  the  council. 
This  was  early  in  the  summer,  and  before  the  notice 
sent  in  June  to  the  friendly  Indians.  Their  mangled 
bodies  were  brought  to  Denver  for  decent  burial. 
Many  of  our  people  went  to  see  them,  as  any  people 
would  have  done.  It  did  produce  excitement  and 
consternation,  and  where  are  the  people  who  could 
have  witnessed  it  without  emotion?  Would  the 
committee  have  the  people  shut  their  eyes  to  such 
scenes  at  their  very  doors? 

The  next  sentence,  equally  unjust  and  unfair,  refers 
to  my  proclamation,  issued  two  months  after  this 
occurrence,  and  four  months  before  the  "attack"  they 
were  investigating,  and  having  no  connection  with  it 
or  with  the  troops  engaged  in  it.  It  is  as  follows: 

"The  cupidity  was  appealed  to,  for  the  Governor, 
in  a  proclamation,  calls  upon  all,  either  individually, 
or  in  such  parties  as  they  may  organize,  to  kill  and 
destroy  as  enemies  of  the  country,  wherever  they  may 
be  found,  all  such  hostile  Indians;  authorizing  them 
to  hold,  to  their  own  use  and  benefit,  all  the  property 
of  said  hostile  Indians  they  may  capture.  What 
Indians  he  would  ever  term  friendly,  it  is  impossible 
to  tell." 

I  offer  the  following  statement  of  the  circumstan- 
ces under  which  this  proclamation  was  issued  by  the 
Hon.  D.  A.  Chever.  It  is  as  follows: 

"EXECUTIVE  DEPARTMENT,  COLORADO  TERRITORY, 

August  21,  1865. 

"I,  David  A.  Chever,  Clerk  in  the  office  of  the 
Governor  of  the  territory  of  Colorado,  do  solemnly 


The  Battle  of  Sand  Creek         141 

swear  that  the  people  of  said  territory,  from  the 
Purgatoire  to  the  Cache  la  Poudre  rivers,  a  distance 
of  over  two  hundred  miles,  and  for  a  like  distance 
along  the  Platte  river,  being  the  whole  of  our  settle- 
ments on  the  plains,  were  thrown  into  the  greatest 
alarm  and  consternation  by  numerous  and  almost 
simultaneous  attacks  and  depredations  by  hostile 
Indians  early  last  summer;  that  they  left  their  un- 
reaped  crops,  and  collecting  into  communities  built 
blockhouses  and  stockades  for  protection  at  central 
points  throughout  the  long  line  of  settlements;  that 
those  living  in  the  vicinity  of  Denver  City  fled  to  it, 
and  that  the  people  of  said  city  were  in  great  fear  of 
sharing  the  fate  of  New  Ulm,  Minnesota;  that  the 
threatened  loss  of  crops,  and  the  interruption  of 
communication  with  the  states  by  the  combined 
hostilities,  threatened  the  very  existence  of  the  whole 
people;  that  this  feeling  of  danger  was  universal;  that 
a  flood  of  petitions  and  deputations  poured  into  this 
office,  from  the  people  of  all  parts  of  the  territory, 
praying  for  protection,  and  for  arms  and  authority 
to  protect  themselves;  that  the  defects  of  the  militia 
law  and  the  want  of  means  to  provide  for  defense  was 
proved  by  the  failure  of  this  department,  after  the 
utmost  endeavors,  to  secure  an  effective  organiza- 
tion under  it ;  that  reliable  reports  of  the  presence  of  a 
large  body  of  hostile  warriors  at  no  great  distance 
east  of  this  place  were  received,  which  reports  were 
afterwards  proved  to  be  true,  by  the  statement  of 
Elbridge  Gerry  (page  232,  Report  of  Commissioner 
of  Indian  Affairs  for  1864);  that  repeated  and  urgent 
applications  to  the  War  Department  for  protection 
and  authority  to  raise  troops  for  the  purpose  had 
failed;  that  urgent  applications  to  department  and 


142  A  Defense  of 

district  commanders  had  failed  to  bring  any  prospect 
of  relief,  and  that  in  the  midst  of  this  terrible  conster- 
nation and  apparently  defenseless  condition,  it  had 
been  announced  to  this  office,  from  district  head- 
quarters, that  all  the  Colorado  troops  in  the  service 
of  the  United  States  had  been  peremptorily  ordered 
away,  and  nearly  all  of  them  had  marched  to  the 
Arkansas  River,  to  be  in  position  to  repel  the  threat- 
ened invasion  of  the  rebels  into  Kansas  and  Missouri ; 
that  reliable  reports  of  depredations  and  murders  by 
the  Indians,  from  all  parts  of  our  extended  lines  of  ex- 
posed settlements,  became  daily  more  numerous,  until 
the  simultaneous  attacks  on  trains  along  the  overland 
stage  line  were  reported  by  telegraph,  on  the  8th  of 
August,  described  in  the  letter  of  George  K.  Otis, 
superintendent  of  overland  stage  line,  published  on 
page  254  of  Report  of  Commissioner  of  Indian  Affairs 
for  1864.  Under  these  circumstances,  on  the  nth  of 
August,  the  Governor  issued  his  proclamation  to  the 
people,  calling  upon  them  to  defend  their  homes  and 
families  from  the  savage  foe;  that  it  prevented  anarchy ; 
that  several  militia  companies  immediately  organized 
under  it,  and  aided  in  inspiring  confidence ;  that  under 
its  authority  no  act  of  impropriety  has  been  reported, 
and  I  do  not  believe  that  any  occurred ;  that  it  had  no 
reference  to  or  connection  with  the  third  regiment  of 
one-hundred-days  men  that  was  subsequently  raised 
by  authority  of  the  War  Department,  under  a  different 
proclamation,  calling  for  volunteers,  or  with  any  of 
the  troops  engaged  in  the  Sand  Creek  Affair,  and  that 
the  reference  to  it  in  such  connection  in  the  report 
of  the  Committee  on  the  Conduct  of  the  War  is  a  per- 
version of  the  history  and  facts  in  the  case. 

"DAVID  A.  CHEVER." 


The  Battle  of  Sand  Creek        143 

"  Territory  of  Colorado,  Arapahoe  County,  City  of 
Denver,  SS.:  Subscribed  and  sworn  to  before 
me  this  2ist  day  of  August,  A,D.  1865.  ELI  M. 
ASHLEY,  Notary  Public." 

I  had  appealed  by  telegraph,  June  I4th,  to  the  War 
Department  for  authority  to  call  the  militia  into  the 
United  States  service,  or  to  raise  one-hundred-day 
troops ;  also  had  written  to  our  delegate  in  Congress 
to  see  why  I  got  no  response,  and  had  received  his 
reply  to  the  effect  that  he  could  learn  nothing  about 
it;  had  received  a  notice  from  the  department  com- 
mander, declining  to  take  the  responsibility  of  asking 
the  militia  for  United  States  service,  throwing  the 
people  entirely  on  the  necessity  of  taking  care  of 
themselves. 

It  was  under  these  circumstances  of  trial,  suffering, 
and  danger  on  the  part  of  the  people,  and  of  fruitless 
appeal  upon  my  part  to  the  general  government  for 
aid,  that  I  issued  my  proclamation  of  the  nth  of 
August,  1864,  of  which  the  committee  complains. 

Without  means  to  mount  or  pay  militia,  and  failing 
to  get  government  authority  to  raise  forces,  and  under 
the  withdrawal  of  the  few  troops  in  the  Territory, 
could  any  other  course  be  pursued? 

The  people  were  asked  to  fight  on  their  own  account 
— at  their  own  expense — and  in  lieu  of  the  protection 
the  government  failed  to  render.  They  were  author- 
ized to  kill  only  the  Indians  that  were  murdering  and 
robbing  them  in  hostility,  and  to  keep  the  property 
captured  from  them.  How  the  committee  would 
have  them  fight  these  savages,  and  what  other  dis- 
position they  would  make  of  the  property  captured, 
the  public  will  be  curious  to  know.  Would  they 


144  A  Defense  of 

fight  without  killing?  Would  they  have  the  captured 
property  turned  over  to  the  government,  as  if  cap- 
tured by  United  States  troops?  Would  they  forbid  such 
captures  ?  Would  they  restore  it  to  the  hostile  tribes  ? 

The  absurdity  of  the  committee's  saying  that  this 
was  an  "appeal  to  the  cupidity,"  is  too  palpable  to 
require  much  comment.  Would  men  leave  high 
wages,  mount  and  equip  themselves  at  enormous 
expense,  as  some  patriotically  did,  for  the  poor  chance 
of  capturing  property,  as  a  mere  speculation,  from  the 
prowling  bands  of  Indians  that  infested  the  settle- 
ments and  were  murdering  their  families?  The 
thing  is  preposterous. 

For  this  proclamation  I  have  no  apology.  It  had 
its  origin  and  has  its  justification  in  the  imperative 
necessities  of  the  case.  A  merciless  foe  surrounded 
us.  Without  means  to  mount  or  pay  militia,  unable 
to  secure  government  authority  to  raise  forces,  and 
our  own  troops  ordered  away,  again  I  ask,  could  any 
other  course  be  pursued? 

Captain  Tyler's  and  other  companies  organized 
under  it,  at  enormous  expense,  left  their  lucrative 
business,  high  wages,  and  profitable  employment,  and 
served  without  other  pay  than  the  consciousness  of 
having  done  noble  and  patriotic  service;  and  no  act 
of  impropriety  has  ever  been  laid  to  the  charge  of 
any  party  acting  under  this  proclamation.  They 
had  all  been  disbanded  months  before  the  "attack" 
was  made  that  the  committee  were  investigating. 

The  third  regiment  was  organized  under  authority 
from  the  War  Department,  subsequently  received  by 
telegraph,  and  under  a  subsequent  proclamation 
issued  on  the  I3th  of  August,  and  were  regularly 
mustered  into  the  service  of  the  United  States  about 


The  Battle  of  Sand  Creek        145 

three  months  before  the  battle  the  committee  were 
investigating  occurred. 

Before  closing  this  reply,  it  is  perhaps  just  that  I 
should  say  that  when  I  testified  before  the  committee, 
the  chairman  and  all  its  members  except  three  were 
absent,  and  I  think,  when  the  truth  becomes  known, 
this  report  will  trace  its  parentage  to  a  single  member 
of  the  committee. 

I  have  thus  noticed  such  portions  of  the  report  as 
refer  to  myself,  and  shown  conclusively  that  the 
committee,  in  every  mention  they  have  made  of  me, 
have  been,  to  say  the  least,  mistaken. 

First:  The  committee,  for  the  evident  purpose  of 
maintaining  their  position  that  these  Indians  had  not 
been  engaged  in  war,  say  the  prisoners  they  held  were 
purchased.  The  testimony  is  to  the  effect  that  they 
captured  them. 

Second:  The  committee  say  that  these  Indians 
were  and  always  had  been  friendly,  and  had  committed 
no  acts  of  hostility  or  depredations.  The  public 
documents  to  which  I  refer  show  conclusively  that 
they  had  been  hostile,  and  had  committed  many  acts 
of  hostility  and  depredations. 

Third:  They  say  that  I  joined  in  sending  these 
Indians  to  Fort  Lyon.  The  published  report  of  the 
Commissioner  of  Indian  Affairs,  and  of  the  Indian 
council,  show  that  I  left  them  entirely  in  the  hands  of 
the  military  authorities. 

Fourth:  They  say  nothing  seems  to  have  been 
done  by  the  authorities  to  prevent  hostilities.  The 
public  documents  and  files  of  the  Indian  Bureau,  and 
of  my  superintendency,  show  constant  and  unremit- 
ting diligence  and  effort  on  my  part  to  prevent  hostili- 
ties and  protect  the  people. 


146    Defense  of  the  Battle  of  Sand  Creek 

Fifth:  They  say  that  I  prevaricated  for  the  pur- 
pose of  avoiding  the  admission  that  these  Indians 
"were  and  had  been  actuated  by  the  most  friendly 
feelings  towards  the  whites."  Public  documents 
cited  show  conclusively  that  the  admission  they  de- 
sired me  to  make  was  false,  and  that  my  statement, 
instead  of  being  a  prevarication,  was  true,  although 
not  in  accordance  with  the  preconceived  and  mistaken 
opinions  of  the  committee.  .  .  . 

This  report,  so  full  of  mistakes  which  ordinary 
investigation  would  have  avoided;  so  full  of  slander, 
which  ordinary  care  of  the  character  of  men  would 
have  prevented,  is  to  be  regretted,  for  the  reason  that 
it  throws  doubt  upon  the  reliability  of  all  reports 
which  have  emanated  from  the  same  source,  during 
the  last  four  years  of  war. 

I  am  confident  that  the  public  will  see,  from  the 
facts  herein  set  forth,  the  great  injustice  done  me ;  and 
I  am  further  confident  that  the  committee,  when  they 
know  these  and  other  facts  I  shall  lay  before  them, 
will  also  see  this  injustice,  and,  as  far  as  possible, 
repair  it. 

Very  respectfully,  your  obedient  servant, 

JOHN  EVANS,  Governor  of  the  Territory  of 
Colorado,  and  ex-officio  Superintendent 
of  Indian  Affairs. 


CHAPTER  VI 

A  DEFENSE  OF  THE  BATTLE  OF  SAND  CREEK 

(Continued) 

IF  anything  in  addition  to  Governor  Evans's 
statement  were  needed  to  prove  the  hostility 
of  the  Indians  attacked  at  Sand  Creek,  it  will  be 
found  in  the  admission  of  the  Indians  themselves 
at  the  council  held  by  Governor  Evans  with  the 
Cheyenne  and  Arapahoe  chiefs  in  Denver  about 
sixty  days  prior  to  the  battle.  At  this  council, 
there  were  present  Black  Kettle,  leading  chief  of 
the  Cheyennes,  White  Antelope,  chief  of  the 
central  band  of  the  Cheyennes,  Bull  Bear,  leader 
of  the  Cheyenne  Dog  Soldiers,  Neva,  sub- 
chief  of  the  Arapahoes,  and  several  other  minor 
chiefs  of  that  tribe.  These  chiefs  admitted  that 
their  people  had  been,  and  were  still  committing 
depredations,  as  the  following  extract  from  the 
report  of  the  council,  taken  down  at  the  time, 
conclusively  shows: 

Gov.  EVANS:  Who  committed  the  murder  of 

the  Hungate  family  on  Run- 
ning Creek? 


148 

NEVA: 


ACT.  WHITLEY 
Gov.  EVANS: 

NEVA: 

Gov.  EVANS: 
NEVA: 
Gov.  EVANS: 

NEVA: 

Gov.  EVANS: 

NEVA: 

COL.  SHOUP: 
Gov.  EVANS: 

NEVA: 
Gov.  EVANS: 


A  Defense  of 

TheArapahoes,  a  party  of  the  north- 
ern band  who  were  passing  north. 
It  was  the  Medicine  Man,  or 
Roman  Nose,  and  three  others. 
I  am  satisfied  from  the  time  he 
left  a  certain  camp  for  the  north, 
that  it  was  this  party  of  four 
persons. 

That  cannot  be  true. 

Where  is  Roman  Nose? 

You  ought  to  know  better  than  me, 
you  have  been  nearer  to  him. 

Who  killed  the  man  and  boy  at  the 
head  of  Cherry  Creek? 

(After  consultation)  Kiowas  and 
Comanches. 

Who  stole  the  horses  and  mules 
from  Jimmy's  Camp  twenty- 
seven  days  ago? 

Fourteen  Cheyennes  and  Arapahoes 
together. 

What  were  their  names? 

Powder  Face  and  Whirlwind,  who 
are  now  in  our  camp,  were  the 
leaders. 

I  counted  twenty  Indians  on  that 
occasion. 

Who  stole  Charlie  Autobee's 
horses? 

Raven's  son. 

I  suppose  you  acknowledge  the  de- 
predations on  the  Little  Blue, 
as  you  have  the  prisoners  then 
taken  in  your  possession? 


The  Battle  of  Sand  Creek         149 

WHITE  ANTELOPE  :  We  [the  Cheyennes]  took  two 
prisoners  west  of  Ft.  Kearney 
and  destroyed  the  trains. 

It  will  be  seen  from  the  foregoing,  that  these 
Indians,  although  pretending  to  be  friendly,  had 
to  admit  that  their  people  stole  the  horses  from 
the  soldiers  at  Jimmy's  Camp,  near  Colorado 
City,  an  account  of  which  I  have  already  given, 
and  that  the  Indians  who  did  it  were  in  their 
camp  at  Sand  Creek  at  the  time  the  council  was 
being  held.  They  lied  concerning  the  man  and 
boy  killed  at  the  head  of  Cherry  Creek,  for  they 
knew  that  the  Kiowas  and  Comanches  never  came 
this  far  north,  and  that  the  murders  were  com- 
mitted by  their  own  people.  Neva's  admission 
that  Raven's  son  stole  Charlie  Autobee's  horses 
proved  the  hostility  of  the  Arapahoes,  as  Raven 
was  the  head  chief  of  that  tribe. 

At  the  time  the  council  was  being  held,  General 
S.  R.  Curtis,  commanding  the  military  district, 
sent  the  following  telegram  to  Colonel  Chivington, 
evidently  fearing  that  peace  would  be  made  pre- 
maturely. 

FT.  LEAVENWORTH, 
September  28th,  1864. 

To  COLONEL  CHIVINGTON: 

I  shall  require  the  bad  Indians  delivered  up;  re- 


150  A  Defense  of 

storation  of  equal  numbers  of  stock;  also  hostages 
to  secure.  I  want  no  peace  till  the  Indians  suffer 
more.  Left  Hand  is  said  to  be  a  good  chief  of  the 
Arapahoes  but  Big  Mouth  is  a  rascal.  I  fear  the 
Agent  of  the  Indian  Department  will  be  ready  to 
make  presents  too  soon.  It  is  better  to  chastise 
before  giving  anything  but  a  little  tobacco  to  talk 
over.  No  peace  must  be  made  without  my  direction. 
S.  R.  CURTIS,  Major- General. 

On  November  2,  1864,  Major  Wynkoop  was 
relieved  of  the  command  at  Fort  Lyon,  and  Major 
Anthony,  of  the  First  Regiment  of  Colorado 
Cavalry,  was  appointed  his  successor.  The  reason 
given  for  the  removal  of  Major  Wynkoop  was  that 
he  was  inclined  to  temporize  with  the  hostile 
Indians,  contrary  to  the  orders  of  his  superior 
officers. 

In  a  report  made  by  Major  Anthony  to  his 
superior  officer  from  Fort  Lyon,  under  date  of 
November  6,  1864,  he  says: 

Nine  Cheyenne  Indians  to-day  sent  in  wishing  to 
see  me.  They  state  that  six  hundred  of  that  tribe 
are  now  thirty-five  miles  north  of  here  coming  toward 
the  post,  and  two  thousand  about  seventy-five  miles 
away  waiting  for  better  weather  to  enable  them  to 
come  in. 

I  shall  not  permit  them  to  come  in  even  as  prisoners, 
for  the  reason  that  if  I  do,  I  shall  have  to  subsist 
them  upon  a  prisoner's  rations.  I  shall,  however,  de- 


The  Battle  of  Sand  Creek         151 

mand  their  arms,  all  stolen  stock,  and  the  perpetra- 
tors of  all  depredations.  I  am  of  the  opinion  that  they 
will  not  accept  this  proposition,  but  that  they  will  re- 
turn to  the  Smoky  Hill. 

They  pretend  that  they  want  peace,  and  I  think 
they  do  now,  as  they  cannot  fight  during  the  winter, 
except  where  a  small  band  of  them  can  fight  an  un- 
protected train  or  frontier  settlement.  I  do  not  think 
it  is  policy  to  make  peace  with  them  until  all  per- 
petrators of  depredations  are  surrendered  up  to  be 
dealt  with  as  we  may  propose. 

This  report  was  dated  only  twenty-three  days 
before  the  battle  of  Sand  Creek  occurred.  The 
Indians  Major  Anthony  mentions  as  camped 
thirty-five  miles  away  were  those  that  were 
attacked  by  Colonel  Chivington.  That  they  were 
not,  and  had  not  been  under  Major  Anthony's 
protection,  and  that  he  considered  them  hostile, 
is  clearly  shown  by  the  above  report  as  well  as 
by  the  testimony  given  by  him  March  14,  1865, 
in  an  investigation  of  the  battle  of  Sand  Creek 
made  by  the  Joint  Committee  on  the  Conduct 
of  the  War,  as  is  shown  by  the  following  extracts: 

"You  say  you  held  a  conference  with  the  Indians. 
State  what  occurred?  " 

"At  the  time  I  took  command  of  the  post,  there 
was  a  band  of  Arapahoe  Indians  encamped  about  a 
mile  from  the  post,  numbering,  in  men,  women,  and 
children,  652.  They  were  visiting  the  post  almost 


152  A  Defense  of 

every  day.  I  met  them  and  had  a  talk  with  them. 
Among  them  was  Left  Hand,  who  was  a  chief  among 
the  Arapahoes.  He  with  his  band  was  with  the 
party  at  the  time.  I  talked  with  them  and  they 
proposed  to  do  whatever  I  said;  whatever  I  said  for 
them  to  do,  they  would  do.  I  told  them  that  I  could 
not  feed  them;  that  I  could  not  give  them  anything 
to  eat;  that  there  were  positive  orders  forbidding 
that;  that  I  could  not  permit  them  to  come  within 
the  limits  of  the  post.  At  the  same  time  they  might 
remain  where  they  were  and  I  would  treat  them  as 
prisoners  of  war  if  they  remained;  that  they  would 
have  to  surrender  to  me  all  their  arms,  and  turn  over 
to  me  all  stolen  property  they  had  taken  from  the 
government  or  citizens.  These  terms  they  accepted. 
They  turned  over  to  me  some  twenty  head  of  stock, 
mules  and  horses,  and  a  few  arms,  but  not  a  quarter 
of  the  arms  that  report  stated  they  had  in  their 
possession.  The  arms  they  turned  over  to  me  were 
almost  useless.  I  fed  them  for  some  ten  days.  At 
the  end  of  that  time  I  told  them  that  I  could  not  feed 
them  any  more ;  that  they  better  go  out  to  the  buffalo 
country  where  they  could  kill  game  to  subsist  upon. 
I  returned  their  arms  to  them  and  they  left  the  post. 
But  before  leaving  they  sent  word  out  to  the  Chey- 
ennes  that  I  was  not  very  friendly  towards  them." 
"How  do  you  know  that?" 

"Through  several  of  their  chiefs :  Neva,  an  Arapahoe 
chief,  Left  Hand,  of  the  Arapahoes;  then  Black  Kettle 
and  War  Bonnet,  of  the  Cheyennes." 
"What  property  did  they  turn  over?" 
"Fourteen  head  of  mules  and  six  head  of  horses." 
"Was  it  property  purporting  to  have  been  stolen 
by  them?" 


The  Battle  of  Sand  Creek         153 

"Yes,  sir." 

"From  whom?" 

"They  did  not  say,  yet  some  of  it  was  recognized; 
some  of  it  was  branded  '  U.  S.'  Some  was  recognized 
as  being  stock  that  belonged  to  citizens.  It  was 
generally  understood  afterwards — I  did  not  know  it 
at  the  time — that  the  son  of  the  head  chief  of  the 
Arapahoes,  Little  Raven,  and  I  think  another,  had 
attacked  a  small  government  train  and  killed  one 
man.  .  .  ." 

"Who  was  the  chief  of  that  band?" 

"Little  Raven  was  the  chief  of  those  I  held  as 
prisoners.  .  .  . 

"A  delegation  of  the  Cheyepnes,  numbering,  I 
suppose,  fifty  or  sixty  men,  came  in  just  before  the 
Arapahoes  left  the  post.  I  met  them  outside  the 
post  and  talked  with  them.  They  said  they  wanted 
to  make  peace ;  that  they  had  no  desire  to  fight  against 
us  any  longer.  I  told  them  that  I  had  no  authority 
from  department  headquarters  to  make  peace  with 
them;  that  I  could  not  permit  them  to  visit  the  post 
and  come  within  the  lines;  that  when  they  had  been 
permitted  to  do  so  at  Fort  Lamed,  while  the  squaws 
and  children  of  the  different  tribes  that  visited  the 
post  were  dancing  in  front  of  the  officers'  quarters 
and  on  the  parade  ground,  the  Indians  had  made  an 
attack  on  the  post,  fired  on  the  guard,  and  run  off 
the  stock,  and  I  was  afraid  the  same  thing  might 
occur  at  Fort  Lyon.  I  would  not  permit  them  to 
visit  the  post  at  all.  I  told  them  I  could  make  no 
offers  of  peace  to  them  until  I  heard  from  district 
headquarters.  I  told  them,  however,  that  they 
might  go  out  and  camp  on  Sand  Creek,  and  remain 
there  if  they  chose  to  do  so;  but  they  should  not  camp 


154  A  Defense  of 

in  the  vicinity  of  the  post;  that  if  I  had  authority  to 
go  out  and  make  peace  with  them,  I  would  go  out  and 
let  them  know  of  it. 

"In  the  meantime  I  was  writing  to  district  head- 
quarters constantly,  stating  to  them  that  there  was 
a  band  of  Indians  within  forty  miles  of  the  post — a 
small  band — while  a  very  large  band  was  about  100 
miles  from  the  post.  That  I  was  strong  enough  with 
the  force  I  had  with  me  to  fight  the  Indians  on  Sand 
Creek,  but  not  strong  enough  to  fight  the  main  band. 
That  I  should  try  to  keep  the  Indians  quiet  until  such 
time  as  I  received  reinforcements ;  and  that  as  soon  as 
reinforcements  did  arrive  we  should  go  further  and 
find  the  main  party. 

"But  before  the  reinforcements  came  from  district 
headquarters,  Colonel  Chivington  came  to  Fort  Lyon 
with  his  command,  and  I  joined  him  and  went  out  on 
that  expedition  to  Sand  Creek.  I  never  made  any 
offer  to  the  Indians.  It  was  the  understanding  that 
I  was  not  in  favor  of  peace  with  them.  They  so 
understood  me,  I  suppose;  at  least  I  intended  they 
should.  In  fact,  I  often  heard  of  it  through  their 
interpreters  that  they  did  not  suppose  we  were 
friendly  towards  them.  .  .  . 

"  This  is  the  way  in  which  we  had  been  situated  out 
there.  I  fyave  been  in  command  of  a  body  of  troops 
at  Fort  Lamed  or  Fort  Lyon  for  upwards  of  two  years. 
About  two  years  ago  in  September  the  Indians  were 
professing  to  be  perfectly  friendly.  These  were  the 
Cheyennes,  the  Comanches,  the  Apaches,  the  Arapa- 
hoes,  the  Kiowas,  encamped  at  different  points  on  the 
Arkansas  River  between  Fort  Larned  and  Fort  Lyon. 
Trains  were  going  up  to  Fort  Lyon  frequently  and 
scarcely  a  train  came  in  but  had  some  complaint 


The  Battle  of  Sand  Creek         155 

to  make  about  the  Indians.  I  recollect  that  one 
particular  day  three  trains  came  in  to  the  post  and 
reported  to  me  that  the  Indians  had  robbed  them 
of  their  provisions.  We  at  the  post  had  to  issue 
provisions  to  them  constantly.  Trains  that  were 
carrying  government  freight  to  New  Mexico  would 
stop  there  and  get  their  supplies  replenished  on 
account  of  the  Indians  having  taken  theirs  on  the 
road. 

"At  one  time  I  took  two  pieces  of  artillery  and  125 
men,  and  went  down  to  meet  the  Indians.  As  soon 
as  I  got  there  they  were  apparently  friendly.  A 
Kiowa  chief  perhaps  would  say  to  me  that  his  men 
were  perfectly  friendly,  and  felt  all  right  towards  the 
whites,  but  the  Arapahoes  were  very  bad  Indians. 
Go  to  the  Arapahoe  camp,  and  they  would  perhaps 
charge  everything  upon  the  Comanches;  while  the 
Comanches  would  charge  it  upon  the  Cheyennes; 
yet  each  band  there  was  professing  friendship  towards 
us.  ... 

"When  the  Indians  took  their  prisoners  (in  fact, 
however,  they  generally  took  no  prisoners)  near 
Simmering  Spring,  they  killed  ten  men.  I  was  told 
by  Captain  Davis,  of  the  California  volunteers,  that 
the  Indians  cut  off  the  heads  of  the  men  after  they  had 
scalped  them,  and  piled  them  in  a  pile  on  the  ground, 
and  danced  around  them,  and  kicked  their  bodies 
around  over  the  ground,  etc.  It  is  the  general  im- 
pression of  the  people  of  that  country  that  the  only 
way  to  fight  Indians  is  to  fight  them  as  they  fight  us ; 
if  they  scalp  and  mutilate  the  bodies  we  must  do  the 
same. 

"I  recollect  one  occasion,  when  I  had  a  fight  on 
Pawnee  fork  with  the  Indians  there,  I  had  fifty-nine 


156  A  Defense  of 

men  with  me,  and  the  Indians  numbered  several 
hundred.  I  was  retreating  and  they  had  followed 
me  about  five  miles.  I  had  eleven  men  of  my  party 
shot  at  that  time.  I  had  with  my  party  then  a  few 
Delaware  Indians,  and  one  Captain  Fall  Leaf,  of  the 
Delaware  tribe,  had  his  horse  shot;  we  had  to  stop 
every  few  minutes,  dismount,  and  fire  upon  the  Indians 
to  keep  them  off.  They  formed  a  circle  right  around 
us.  Finally  we  shot  down  one  Indian  very  close  to 
us.  I  saw  Fall  Leaf  make  a  movement  as  though  he 
wanted  to  scalp  the  Indian.  I  asked  him  if  he  wanted 
that  Indian's  scalp  and  he  said  he  did.  We  kept  up 
a  fire  to  keep  the  Indians  off,  while  he  went  down  and 
took  off  his  scalp,  and  gave  his  Delaware  war-whoop. 
That  seemed  to  strike  more  terror  into  those  Indians 
than  anything  else  we  had  done  that  day.  And  I  do 
think  if  it  had  not  been  for  that  one  thing,  we  should 
have  lost  a  great  many  more  of  my  men.  I  think  it 
struck  terror  to  them  so  that  they  kept  away  from 
us." 

"Did  the  troops  mutilate  the  Indians  killed  at 
Sand  Creek?" 

"They  did  in  some  instances  that  I  know  of,  but  I 
saw  nothing  to  the  extent  I  have  since  heard  stated." 

"Did  you  not  feel  that  you  were  bound  in  good 
faith  not  to  attack  those  Indians  after  they  had 
surrendered  to  you  and  after  they  had  taken  up  a 
position  which  you  yourself  had  indicated?" 

"I  did  not  consider  that  they  had  surrendered  to 
me ;  I  never  would  consent  that  they  should  surrender 
to  me.  My  instructions  were  such  that  I  felt  in  duty 
bound  to  fight  them  wherever  I  found  them ;  provided 
I  considered  it  good  policy  to  do  so.  I  did  not  con- 
sider it  good  policy  to  attack  ^this  party  of  Indians 


The  Battle  of  Sand  Creek         157 

on  Sand  Creek  unless  I  was  strong  enough  to  go  on 
and  fight  the  main  band  at  the  Smoke  Hills,  some 
seventy  miles  further.  If  I  had  had  that  force,  I 
should  have  gone  out  and  fought  this  band  on  Sand 
Creek.  ..." 

"You  think  the  attack  made  upon  those  Indians,  in 
addition  to  the  other  characteristics  which  it  possesses, 
was  impolitic?" 

"I  do,  very  much  so.  I  think  it  was  the  occasion 
of  what  has  occurred  on  the  Platte  since  that  time.  I 
have  so  stated  in  my  report  to  the  headquarters  of 
the  district  and  of  the  department.  I  stated  before 
Colonel  Chivington  arrived  there  that  the  Indians 
were  encamped  at  this  point;  that  I  had  a  force  with 
me  sufficiently  strong  to  go  out  and  fight  them;  but 
that  I  did  not  think  it  policy  to  do  so,  for  I  was  not 
strong  enough  to  fight  the  main  band.  If  I  fought 
this  band,  the  main  band  would  immediately  strike 
the  settlements.  But  so  soon  as  the  party  should  be 
strong  enough  to  fight  the  main  band,  I  should  be  in 
favor  of  making  the  war  general  against  the  Indians. 
I  stated  to  them  also  that  I  did  not  believe  we  could 
fight  one  band  without  fighting  them  all ;  that  in  case 
we  fought  one  party  of  Indians  and  whipped  them, 
those  that  escaped  would  go  into  another  band  that 
was  apparently  friendly  and  that  band  would  secrete 
those  who  had  been  committing  depredations  before. 
As  it  was  with  Little  Raven's  band;  his  own  sons 
attacked  a  train  a  short  distance  above  Fort  Lyon, 
killed  one  soldier,  took  a  government  wagon  and 
mules,  some  horses,  and  took  some  women  prisoners. 
One  woman  they  afterwards  outraged  and  she  hung 
herself;  the  other  one,  I  think,  they  still  hold.  Some 
of  the  Indians  have  married  her,  as  they  call  it,  and 


158  A  Defense  of 

she  is  still  in  their  camp,  as  I  have  understood;  not 
now  in  the  camp  of  those  who  took  her  prisoner,  but 
she  has  been  sold  to  the  Sioux  and  Cheyennes.  The 
instructions  we  constantly  received  from  the  head- 
quarters both  of  the  district  and  the  department,  were 
that  we  should  show  as  little  mercy  to  the  Indians 
as  possible.  .  .  ." 

In  another  part  of  his  testimony,  Major  Anthony 
said  referring  to  the  Arapahoes,  "I  considered 
them  differently  from  the  Cheyennes, "  and  when 
asked  if  they  were  with  the  Cheyennes  at  Sand 
Creek,  replied,  "I  understood,  afterwards,  that 
some  six  or  eight  or  ten  lodges  of  the  Arapahoes 
were  there." 

Major  S.  G.  Colley,  the  Indian  agent,  said  in  his 
testimony,  "Left  Hand's  band  had  gone  out  to 
Sand  Creek,"  and  when  asked  how  many  were  in 
Left  Hand's  band,  replied,  "About  eight  lodges  of 
about  five  to  the  lodge." 

If  there  were  no  other  evidence,  the  following 
telegrams  from  General  Curtis,  Commander  of 
the  Department  of  Missouri,  are  in  themselves 
sufficient  proofs  of  the  hostility  of  both  Cheyennes 
and  Arapahoes: 

FT.  LEAVENWORTH,  April  8th,  1864. 
To  COLONEL  CHIVINGTON: 

I  hear  that  Indians  have  committed  depredations 


The  Battle  of  Sand  Creek         159 

on  or  near  Platte  River.     Do  not  let  district  lines  pre- 
vent pursuing  and  punishing  them. 

S.  R.  CURTIS,  Major-General. 

FT.  LEAVENWORTH,  May  soth,  1864. 
To  COLONEL  CHIVINGTON  : 

Some  four  hundred  Cheyennes  attacked  Lieut. 
Clayton  on  Smoky  Hill.  After  several  hours  fight 
the  Indians  fled,  leaving  twenty-eight  killed.  Our 
loss  four  killed  and  three  wounded.  Look  out  for 
Cheyennes  everywhere.  Especially  instruct  troops 
in  upper  Arkansas. 

S.  R.  CURTIS,  Major-General . 

FT.  LEAVENWORTH,  October  7,  1864. 
MAJOR-GENERAL  HALLECK,  Chief  of  Staff: 

General  Blunt  came  upon  a  party  of  Arapahoes  and 
other  hostile  Indians  supposed  to  be  four  thousand, 
with  fifteen  hundred  warriors,  on  the  twenty-fifth 
ultimo.  This  was  about  one  hundred  miles  west  of 
Larned  on  Pawnee  fork.  The  Indians  overpowered 
the  advance,  but  the  main  force  coming  up  routed 
and  pursued  them.  Ninety-one  dead  Indians  were 
left  and  we  lost  two  killed  and  seven  wounded.  Gen- 
eral B  hint's  force  was  less  than  five  hundred.  He 
pursued  for  several  days. 

S.  R.  CURTIS,  Major-General. 

The  place  where  this  battle  occurred  was  about 
one  hundred  and  thirty  miles  east  of  the  Sand 
Creek  battle-ground,  and  probably  some  of  the 
same  Indians  were  in  both  encounters. 

The   telegrams   I   have   quoted   indicate   that 


160  A  Defense  of 

General  Curtis  was  fully  alive  to  the  situation. 
Evidently  he  believed  the  Cheyennes  and  Arapa- 
hoes  were  hostile  and  was  not  in  favor  of  making 
peace  with  them  until  they  had  been  punished. 

On  account  of  his  limited  force,  Colonel  Chiv- 
ington  could  do  little  more  than  protect  the  lines 
of  travel;  consequently,  all  that  summer  and  fall 
the  frontier  settlers  were  compelled  to  take  care 
of  themselves.  And  it  was  not  until  after  the 
Third  Colorado  had  been  organized  and  equipped 
that  he  was  able  to  strike  a  decisive  blow.  In  his 
deposition  presented  at  the  investigation  by  the 
Joint  Committee  on  the  Conduct  of  the  War, 
among  other  things,  Colonel  Chivington  has  the 
following  to  say  concerning  the  battle  of  Sand 
Creek  and  the  conditions  leading  up  to  it. 

"On  the  29th  day  of  November,  1864,  the  troops 
under  my  command  attacked  a  camp  of  Cheyenne 
and  Arapahoe  Indians  at  a  place  known  as  Big  Bend 
of  Sandy,  about  forty  miles  north  of  Fort  Lyon, 
Colorado  Territory.  There  were  in  my  command  at 
that  time  about  (500)  five  hundred  men  of  the  Third 
Regiment  Colorado  cavalry,  under  the  immediate 
command  of  Colonel  George  L.  Shoup,  of  said  Third 
Regiment,  and  about  (250)  two  hundred  and  fifty 
men  of  the  First  Colorado  cavalry;  Major  Scott 
J.  Anthony  commanded  one  battalion  of  said  First 
regiment,  and  Lieutenant  Luther  Wilson  com- 
manded another  battalion  of  said  First  regiment. 


The  Battle  of  Sand  Creek         161 

The  Third  regiment  was  armed  with  rifled  muskets, 
and  Star's  and  Sharp's  carbines.  A  few  of  the  men 
of  that  regiment  had  revolvers.  The  men  of  the  First 
regiment  were  armed  with  Star's  and  Sharp's  car- 
bines, and  revolvers.  The  men  of  the  Third  regi- 
ment were  poorly  equipped;  the  supply  of  blankets, 
boots,  hats,  and  caps  was  deficient.  The  men  of 
the  First  regiment  were  well  equipped;  all  of  these 
troops  were  mounted.  1  had  four  12 -pound  moun- 
tain howitzers,  manned  by  detachments  from  cav- 
alry companies;  they  did  not  belong  to  any  battery 
company. 

"  From  the  best  and  most  reliable  information  I 
could  obtain,  there  were  in  the  Indian  camp,  at  the 
time  of  the  attack,  about  eleven  or  twelve  hundred 
Indians;  of  these  about  seven  hundred  were  warriors 
and  the  remainder  were  women  and  children.  I  am 
not  aware  that  there  were  any  old  men  among  them. 
There  was  an  unusual  number  of  males  among  them, 
for  the  reason  that  the  war  chiefs  of  both  nations  were 
assembled  there,  evidently  for  some  special  purpose.  ..." 

"What  number  did  you  lose  in  killed,  and  what 
number  in  wounded  and  what  number  in  missing?" 

"There  were  seven  men  killed,  forty-seven  wounded, 
and  one  was  missing. 

"From  the  best  information  I  could  obtain,  I 
judge  that  there  were  five  or  six  hundred  Indians 
killed;  I  cannot  state  positively  the  number  killed, 
nor  can  I  state  positively  the  number  of  women  and 
children  killed.  Officers  who  passed  over  the  field, 
by  my  orders,  report  that  they  saw  but  few  women  and 
children  dead,  no  more  than  would  certainly  fall  in 
an  attack  upon  a  camp  in  which  they  were.  I  myself 
passed  over  some  portions  of  the  field  after  the  fight, 


1 62  A  Defense  of 

and  I  saw  but  one  woman  who  had  been  killed,  and  one 
who  had  hanged  herself;  I  saw  no  dead  children.  From 
all  I  could  learn,  I  arrived  at  the  conclusion  that  but  few 
women  or  children  had  been  slain.  I  am  of  the  opinion 
that  when  the  attack  was  made  on  the  Indian  camp  the 
greater  number  of  squaws  and  children  made  their  es- 
cape, while  the  warriors  remained  to  fight  my  troops. 

"  I  do  not  know  that  any  Indians  were  wounded  that 
were  not  killed;  if  there  were  any  wounded,  I  do  not 
think  they  could  have  been  made  prisoners  without 
endangering  the  lives  of  the  soldiers;  Indians  usually 
fight  as  long  as  they  have  strength  to  resist.  Eight 
Indians  fell  into  the  hands  of  the  troops  alive,  to  my 
knowledge;  these  with  one  exception  were  sent  to 
Fort  Lyon  and  properly  cared  for.  .  .  . 

"My  reason  for  making  the  attack  on  the  Indian 
camp  was  that  I  believed  the  Indians  in  the  camp  were 
hostile  to  the  whites.  That  they  were  of  the  same 
tribes  with  those  who  had  murdered  many  persons 
and  destroyed  much  valuable  property  on  the  Platte 
and  Arkansas  rivers  during  the  previous  spring, 
summer,  and  fall  was  beyond  a  doubt.  When  a 
tribe  of  Indians  is  at  war  with  the  whites,  it  is  im- 
possible to  determine  what  party  or  band  of  the  tribe 
or  the  name  of  the  Indian  or  Indians  belonging  to  the 
tribe  so  at  war,  are  guilty  of  the  acts  of  hostility.  The 
most  that  can  be  ascertained  is  that  Indians  of  the 
tribe  have  performed  the  acts.  During  the  spring, 
summer,  and  fall  of  the  year  1864,  the  Arapahoe  and 
Cheyenne  Indians,  in  some  instances  assisted  or  led 
on  by  Sioux,  Kiowas,  Comanches,  and  Apaches,  had 
committed  many  acts  of  hostility  in  the  country 
lying  between  the  Little  Blue  and  the  Rocky  Moun- 
tains and  the  Platte  and  Arkansas  rivers.  They  had 


The  Battle  of  Sand  Creek        163 

murdered  many  of  the  whites  and  taken  others 
prisoners,  and  had  destroyed  valuable  property, 
probably  amounting  to  $200,000  or  $300,000.  Their 
rendezvous  was  on  the  headwaters  of  the  Republican, 
probably  one  hundred  miles  from  where  the  Indian 
camp  was  located.  I  had  every  reason  to  believe 
that  these  Indians  were  either  directly  or  indirectly 
concerned  in  the  outrages  that  had  been  committed 
upon  the  whites.  I  had  no  means  of  ascertaining 
what  were  the  names  of  the  Indians  who  had  com- 
mitted these  outrages  other  than  the  declarations  of 
the  Indians  themselves;  and  the  character  of  Indi- 
ans in  the  western  country  for  truth  and  veracity,  like 
their  respect  for  the  chastity  of  women  who  may  be- 
come prisoners  in  their  hands,  is  not  of  that  order 
which  is  calculated  to  inspire  confidence  in  what  they 
may  say.  In  this  view  I  was  supported  by  Major 
Anthony,  1st  Colorado  Cavalry,  commanding  at 
Fort  Lyon,  and  Samuel  G.  Colley,  United  States 
Indian  Agent,  who,  as  they  had  been  in  com- 
munication with  these  Indians,  were  more  com- 
petent to  judge  of  their  disposition  toward  the 
whites  than  myself.  Previous  to  the  battle  they 
expressed  to  me  the  opinion  that  the  Indians  should 
be  punished.  We  found  in  the  camp  the  scalps  of 
nineteen  white  persons.  One  of  the  surgeons  in- 
formed me  that  one  of  these  scalps  had  been  taken 
from  the  victim's  head  not  more  than  four  days  pre- 
viously. I  can  furnish  a  child  captured  at  camp 
ornamented  with  six  white  women's  scalps.  These 
scalps  must  have  been  taken  by  these  Indians  or  fur- 
nished to  them  for  their  gratification  and  amusement 
by  some  of  their  brethren,  who,  like  themselves,  were 
in  amity  with  the  whites. 


1 64  A  Defense  of 

"I  had  no  reason  to  believe  that  Black  Kettle  and 
the  Indians  with  him  were  in  good  faith  at  peace  with 
the  whites.  The  day  before  the  attack  Major  Scott 
J.  Anthony,  ist  Colorado  Cavalry,  then  commander 
at  Fort  Lyon,  told  me  that  these  Indians  were  hostile ; 
that  he  had  ordered  his  sentinels  to  fire  on  them  if  they 
attempted  to  come  into  the  post,  and  that  the  senti- 
nels had  fired  on  them;  that  he  was  apprehensive  of 
an  attack  from  these  Indians  and  had  taken  every 
precaution  to  prevent  a  surprise.  Major  Samuel  G. 
Colley,  United  States  Indian  Agent  for  these  Indians, 
told  me  on  the  same  day  that  he  had  done  everything 
in  his  power  to  make  them  behave  themselves,  and 
that  for  the  last  six  months  he  could  do  nothing  with 
them;  that  nothing  but  a  sound  whipping  would 
bring  a  lasting  peace  with  them.  These  statements 
were  made  to  me  in  the  presence  of  the  officers  of  my 
staff  whose  statements  can  be  obtained  to  corroborate 
the  foregoing.  .  .  . 

"Since  August,  1863,  I  had  been  in  possession  of 
the  most  conclusive  evidence  of  the  alliance,  for  the 
purposes  of  hostility  against  the  whites,  of  the  Sioux, 
Cheyennes,  Arapahoes,  Comanche,  Kiowa  and  Apache 
Indians. 

"Their  plan  was  to  interrupt,  or,  if  possible,  en- 
tirely prevent  all  travel  on  the  routes  along  the 
Arkansas  and  Platte  rivers,  from  the  states  to  the 
Rocky  Mountains,  and  thereby  depopulate  this 
country.  .  .  . 

"With  very  few  troops  at  my  command,  I  could  do 
little  to  protect  the  settlers,  except  to  collect  the 
latest  intelligence  from  the  Indians'  country,  commu- 
nicate it  to  General  Curtis,  commanding  department 
of  Missouri,  and  warn  the  settlers  of  the  relations 


The  Battle  of  Sand  Creek         165 

existing  between  the  Indians  and  the  whites,  and 
the  probability  of  trouble,  all  of  which  I  did.  .  .  . 

"Commanding  only  a  district  with  very  few  troops 
under  my  control,  with  hundreds  of  miles  between 
my  headquarters  and  the  rendezvous  of  the  Indians, 
with  a  large  portion  of  the  Santa  Fe  and  Platte  routes, 
besides  the  sparsely  settled  and  distant  settlements 
of  this  Territory  to  protect,  I  could  not  do  anything 
till  the  3rd  regiment  was  organized  and  equipped, 
when  I  determined  to  strike  a  blow  against  this 
savage  and  determined  foe.  When  I  reached  Fort 
Lyon,  after  passing  over  from  three  to  five  feet  of 
snow,  and  greatly  suffering  from  the  intensity  of  the 
cold,  the  thermometer  ranging  from  28  to  30  degrees 
below  zero,  I  questioned  Major  Anthony  in  regard 
to  the  whereabouts  of  hostile  Indians.  He  said  there 
was  a.  camp  of  Cheyennes  and  Arapahoes  about  fifty 
miles  distant;  that  he  would  have  attacked  before, 
but  did  not  consider  his  force  sufficient;  that  these 
Indians  had  threatened  to  attack  the  post,  etc.,  and 
ought  to  be  whipped,  all  of  which  was  concurred  in 
by  Major  Colley,  Indian  agent  for  the  district  of  the 
Arkansas,  which  information  with  the  positive  orders 
of  Major-General  Curtis, commanding  the  department, 
to  punish  these  Indians,  decided  my  course,  and 
resulted  in  the  battle  of  Sand  Creek,  which  has 
created  such  a  sensation  in  Congress  through  the 
lying  reports  of  interested  and  malicious  parties. 

"On  my  arrival  at  Fort  Lyon,  in  all  my  conversa- 
tions with  Major  Anthony,  commanding  the  post, 
and  Major  Colley,  Indian  Agent,  I  heard  nothing  of 
this  recent  statement  that  the  Indians  were  under 
the  protection  of  the  government,  etc.,  but  Major 
Anthony  repeatedly  stated  to  me  that  he  had  at 


i66  A  Defense  of 

different  times  fired  upon  these  Indians,  and  that 
they  were  hostile,  and,  during  my  stay  at  Fort  Lyon, 
urged  the  necessity  of  my  immediately  attacking  the 
Indians  before  they  could  learn  of  the  number  of 
troops  at  Fort  Lyon,  and  so  desirous  was  Major 
Colley,  Indian  agent,  that  I  should  find  and  also 
attack  the  Arapahoes,  that  he  sent  a  messenger  after 
the  fight  at  San,d  Creek  nearly  forty  miles  to  inform 
me  where  I  could  find  the  Arapahoes  and  Kiowas;  yet, 
strange  to  say,  I  have  learned  recently  that  these 
men,  Anthony  and  Colley,  are  the  most  bitter  in 
their  denunciations  of  the  attack  upon  the  Indians 
at  Sand  Creek.  Therefore,  I  would,  in  conclusion, 
most  respectfully  demand,  as  an  act  of  justice  to 
myself  and  the  brave  men  whom  I  have  had  the 
honor  to  command  in  one  of  the  hardest  campaigns 
ever  made  in  this  country,  whether  against  white 
men  or  red,  that  we  be  allowed  the  right  guaranteed 
to  every  American  citizen,  of  introducing  evidence 
in  our  behalf  to  sustain  us  in  what  we  believe  to  have 
been  an  act  of  duty  to  ourselves  and  to  civilization." 

Colonel  George  L.  Shoup,  in  a  deposition  pre- 
sented to  the  military  commission  investigating 
the  battle  of  Sand  Creek,  among  other  things, 
says: 

On  or  about  the  I2th  of  November,  1864,  I  left 
Denver  for  Fort  Lyon,  with  Companies  C,  D,  and  F 
of  my  regiment  and  Company  H  of  the  First  Colorado 
Cavalry,  and  on  or  about  the  1 8th  of  November 
joined  Major  Sayre  at  Boonville  with  that  portion 
of  the  regiment  which  had  been  left  at  Bijou  Basin 


The  Battle  of  Sand  Creek         167 

(he  having  been  ordered  to  precede  me),  consisting 
of  Companies  A,  B,  and  E,  and  I  and  M.  On  or 
about  the  2Oth  Captain  Baxter  joined  the  command 
with  Company  G,  and  the  day  following  Colonel  John 
M.  Chivington,  commander  of  the  district  of  Colo- 
rado, arrived  and  assumed  command  of  the  column,  I 
still  commanding  my  regiment.  On  or  about  the  22d 
the  column,  consisting  of  my  regiment  and  a  battalion 
of  the  first,  marched  from  Boonville  towards  Fort  Lyon 
and  reached  Fort  Lyon  on  the  28th,  and  went  into 
camp.  On  the  evening  of  the  28th  I  received  orders 
from  the  colonel  commanding  to  prepare  three  days' 
cooked  rations,  and  be  ready  to  march  at  eight  o'clock 
the  same  evening.  At  eight  o'clock  the  column 
marched  in  the  following  order :  the  first  regiment  on 
the  right,  my  regiment  on  the  left.  I  had  under  my 
immediate  command  between  five  hundred  and  fifty 
and  six  hundred  men  mounted.  My  transportation 
was  left  at  Fort  Lyon.  The  column  marched  all  night 
in  a  northerly  direction.  About  daylight  the  next 
morning  came  in  sight  of  an  Indian  village.  Colonel 
Chivington  and  myself  being  about  three-fourths  of 
a  mile  in  advance  of  the  column,  it  was  determined 
to  make  an  immediate  attack.  Lieutenant  Wilson, 
commanding  a  battalion  of  the  first,  was  ordered  to 
cut  off  the  ponies  of  the  Indians  at  the  northeast  of 
the  village.  By  order  of  Colonel  Chivington,  I  was 
ordered  to  send  men  to  the  southwest  of  the  village, 
to  cut  off  the  ponies  in  that  direction,  and  then  to 
immediately  engage  the  Indians. 

"Did  Colonel  Chivington  make  any  remarks  to 
the  troops,  in  your  hearing?" 

"He  did  not." 

"Did   you  approach    the   camp    of    the ,  Indians 


i68  A  Defense  of 

in  line  of  battle  with  your  men  mounted,  or 
dismounted?" 

"Kept  my  men  in  columns  of  fours  till  I  arrived 
at  the  village,  when  I  formed  them  in  line  of 
battle,  and  to  the  left  of  a  battalion  of  the  first, 
commanded  by  Lieutenant  Wilson,  my  men 
mounted." 

"At  what  distance  was  your  command  from  the 
village  when  you  commenced  fire  upon  it?" 

"  I  did  not  allow  my  men  to  fire  when  I  formed  my 
first  line;  the  battalion  on  my  right  was  firing.  I 
wheeled  my  men  into  column  of  fours  and  marched 
to  the  rear  of  the  battalion  on  my  right,  to  the  right 
of  that  battalion,  to  obtain  a  better  position.  I 
marched  up  Sand  Creek  some  distance,  following  the 
Indians  who  were  retreating  up  the  creek.  When 
opposite  the  main  body  of  Indians,  wheeled  my  men 
into  line,  dismounted,  and  opened  fire." 

"  Did  you  know  what  band  of  Indians  it  was  at  the 
time  of  the  attack?" 

"  I  heard  while  at  Fort  Lyon  that  Left  Hand,  of  the 
Arapahoes,  and  Black  Kettle,  of  the  Cheyennes,  were 
at  the  village." 

"Did  you,  at  any  time  prior  to  the  attack,  hear 
Colonel  Chivington  say  that  he  was  going  to  attack 
Black  Kettle's  band?" 

"I  did  not." 

"How  long  did  the  fight  last?" 

"The  fighting  did  not  entirely  cease  until  about 
three  o'clock  in  the  afternoon." 

"  Did  you  camp  with  your  regiment  near  the  battle- 
ground?" 

"We  camped  on  ground  occupied  by  the  Indians 
before  the  battle." 


The  Battle  of  Sand  Creek         169 

"What  was  done  with  the  Indians  and  other 
property?" 

"The  lodges  were  burned.  The  ponies,  numbering, 
as  I  was  told,  five  hundred  and  four,  were  placed  in 
charge  of  the  provost  marshal.  A  few  remained  in 
the  hands  of  the  troops." 

"What  were  the  casualties  of  your  regiment?" 

"Ten  killed,  one  missing,  about  forty  wounded." 

"In  your  opinion  how  many  Indians  were  killed?" 

"From  my  own  observation  I  should  say  about 
three  hundred." 

"Were  they  men,  or  women  and  children?" 

"Some  of  each." 

"  Did  you  witness  any  scalping  or  other  mutilation 
of  the  dead  by  your  command?  " 

"I  saw  one  or  two  men  who  were  in  the  act  of 
scalping,  but  I  am  not  positive." 

"Were  you  present  in  council  with  some  Indian 
chiefs  in  Denver,  some  time  last  summer  or  fall?" 

"I  was." 

"Who  were  present — whites  and  Indians?" 

"Governor  Evans,  Colonel  Chivington,  Captain 
S.  M.  Robbins,  Major  Wynkoop,  Major  Whiteley, 
Amos  Steck,  J.  Bright  Smith,  Nelson  Sargent,  Cap- 
tain John  Wanless,  Black  Kettle,  White  Antelope, 
and  five  or  six  other  Indians,  and  John  Smith  and 
Sam  Ashcroft,  interpreters." 

"  Did  the  Indians  express  a  desire  for  peace  with  the 
whites?" 

"Yes." 

"Upon  what  terms  did  they  desire  peace?" 

"That  they  have  protection  and  supplies  while  the 
war  was  carried  on  against  hostile  Indians." 


170  A  Defense  of 

"Was  peace  guaranteed  to  them  on  any  terms?" 

"They  were  told  by  Colonel  Chivington  that  if 
they  would  come  in  and  surrender  themselves,  he 
would  then  tell  them  what  to  do." 

"What  did  the  governor  tell  them?" 

"That  as  they  had  violated  all  treaties  they  would 
have  to  treat  with  the  military  authorities,  to  whom 
he  had  given  up  all  the  authority." 

"Did  Colonel  Chivington  tell  them  that  he  would 
guarantee  them  peace  only  on  condition  that  they 
would  come  into  the  post  and  lay  down  their  arms?" 

"  Colonel  Chivington  did  not  guarantee  them  peace 
upon  any  terms,  but  if  they  would  come  into  the  post, 
surrender  themselves,  and  lay  down  their  arms,  he 
would  tell  them  what  to  do." 

" Did  the  Indians  say  that  they  would  do  so?" 

"They  said  that  they  would  go  back  to  their  people, 
tell  them  and  advise  them  to  do  so." 

"  Did  you  have  any  conversation  with  Major  Colley, 
Indian  agent  for  the  Arapahoes  and  Cheyennes  of 
the  Upper  Arkansas,  respecting  the  disposition  of 
the  Indians  and  the  policy  that  ought  to  be  pursued 
towards  them?  If  so,  state  what  he  said. " 

"I  had  an  interview  with  Major  Colley,  on  the 
evening  of  the  28th  of  November,  in  which  he  stated 
to  me  that  these  Indians  had  violated  their  treaty ; 
that  there  were  a  few  Indians  that  he  would  not  like 
to  see  punished,  but  as  long  as  they  affiliated  with  the 
hostile  Indians  we  could  not  discriminate;  that  no 
treaty  could  be  made  that  would  be  lasting  till  they 
were  all  severely  chastised;  he  also  told  me  where 
these  Indians  were  camped." 

"State  what  you  heard  Major  Scott  J.  Anthony 


The  Battle  of  Sand  Creek         171 

say  in  reference  to  these  Indians  on  the  28th  of 
November  last." 

"He  said  he  would  have  fought  these  Indians 
before  if  he  had  had  a  force  strong  enough  to  do  so, 
and  left  a  sufficient  garrison  at  Fort  Lyon,  he  being  at 
the  time  in  command  of  Fort  Lyon." 

The  Hon.  S.  H.  Elbert,  Acting  Governor  of 
Colorado,  in  a  message  to  the  Legislature,  a  few 
months  after  the  affair,  reflects  the  general  attitude 
of  the  people  toward  the  battle,  and  those  partici- 
pating in  it.  The  following  is  an  extract  from  it : 

The  before  unbroken  peace  of  our  Territory  has 
been  disturbed  since  the  last  spring,  by  an  Indian  war. 
Allied  and  hostile  tribes  have  attacked  our  frontier 
settlements,  driven  in  our  settlers,  destroyed  their 
homes,  attacked,  burned,  and  plundered  our  freight 
and  emigrant  trains,  and  thus  suspended  agricultural 
pursuits  in  portions  of  our  country,  and  interrupted 
our  trade  and  commerce  with  the  States.  This  has 
for  the  time  seriously  retarded  the  prosperity  of  our 
Territory. 

At  the  commencement  of  the  war  the  General 
Government,  taxed  to  the  utmost  in  subduing  the 
rebellion,  was  unable  to  help  us,  and  it  became  neces- 
sary to  look  to  our  own  citizens  for  protection.  They 
everywhere  responded  with  patriotism  and  alacrity. 
Militia  companies  were  organized  in  the  frontier 
counties  and  secured  local  protection.  Much  credit 
is  due  to  Captain  Tyler's  company  of  militia  for  the 
important  service  they  rendered  in  opening  and  pro- 
tecting our  line  of  communication  with  the  States. 


A  Defense  of 


In  response  to  the  call  of  the  governor  for  a  regi- 
ment of  cavalry  for  one  hundred  day  service,  over  a 
thousand  of  our  citizens  —  the  large  majority  of  them 
leaving  lucrative  employment  —  rapidly  volunteered, 
and  in  that  short  time,  despite  the  greatest  difficulties 
in  securing  proper  equipments,  organized,  armed, 
made  a  long  and  severe  campaign  amid  the  snows  and 
storms  of  winter,  and  visited  upon  these  merciless 
murderers  of  the  plains  a  chastisement  smiting  and 
deserved.  The  gratitude  of  the  country  is  due  to  the 
men  who  thus  sacrificed  so  largely  their  personal 
interests  for  the  public  good,  and  rendered  such 
important  service  to  the  Territory;  and  their  work, 
if  it  can  be  followed  up  with  a  vigorous  winter  cam- 
paign, would  result  in  a  permanent  peace. 

The  necessity  of  such  a  campaign,  and  the  impera- 
tive demand  for  immediate  and  complete  protection 
for  our  line  of  communication  with  the  States  has 
been,  and  is  now  being,  earnestly  urged  on  the  Govern- 
ment at  Washington,  and  with  a  prospect  of  success. 
These  efforts  should  be  seconded  by  your  honorable 
body  with  whatever  influence  there  may  be  in  resolu- 
tion or  memorial,  setting  forth  the  facts  and  necessi- 
ties of  our  situation. 

The  testimony  of  Governor  Evans,  Major 
Anthony,  Colonel  Chivington,  Colonel  Shoup,  and 
Acting  Governor  Elbert  covers  every  phase  of  the 
matter  in  controversy.  Governor  Evans's  state- 
ment proves  beyond  question  that  the  Cheyennes 
and  Arapahoes  were  viciously  hostile  during  the 
entire  summer  preceding  the  battle  of  Sand  Creek, 


The  Battle  of  Sand  Creek         i?3 

and  this  was  admitted  by  Black  Kettle  in  his 
letter  to  Major  Colley,  the  Indian  agent,  and  by  the 
other  chiefs  in  the  council  at  Denver.  Governor 
Evans  also  makes  it  plain  that  he  refused  to 
consider  the  question  of  making  peace,  and  turned 
the  Indians  over  to  the  military.  The  telegram 
of  General  Curtis,  commander  of  the  Military 
Department,  sent  at  the  time  the  council  was  being 
held,  says,  "No  peace  must  be  made  without  my 
direction."  And  peace  had  not  been  made  when 
the  battle  was  fought.  Major  Anthony,  com- 
mander of  the  military  post  of  Fort  Lyon,  near 
the  Cheyenne  and  Arapahoe  Indian  agency,  says 
that  the  Indians  attacked  were  hostile  and  not 
under  his  protection,  and  that  he  would  have 
punished  them  had  his  force  been  strong  enough 
to  fight  also  the  large  band  on  the  Smoky  Hill 
River.  Colonel  Chivington's  testimony  confirms 
the  statement  of  Governor  Evans  as  to  the  hos- 
tility of  both  Cheyennes  and  Arapahoes,  and  both 
he  and  Colonel  Shoup  say  that  this  was  corro- 
borated by  Major  Anthony,  and  Major  Colley, 
the  Indian  agent,  each  of  whom  told  them,  while 
at  Fort  Lyon  prior  to  the  battle,  that  the  Indians 
camped  on  Sand  Creek  were  hostile  and  should  be 
punished.  Major  Anthony  admits  that  there  were 
Arapahoes  camped  near  the  Fort  when  he  assumed 


174  A  Defense  of 

command,  and  that,  in  compliance  with  his  de- 
mand, they  surrendered  twenty  head  of  stock, 
stolen  from  the  whites,  and  a  few  worthless  guns ; 
and  added  that  a  week  or  two  later  he  returned  the 
guns,  and  told  the  Indians  that  he  could  no  longer 
feed  them  and  ordered  them  to  go  out  on  the 
plains,  where  they  could  kill  buffalo  for  food; 
whereupon  they  left. 

The  only  Arapahoes  that  by  any  stretch  of 
the  imagination  could  be  said  to  have  been  under 
the  protection  of  the  military  were  the  small 
part  of  the  tribe  under  the  control  of  Left  Hand, 
a  sub-chief;  while  there  is  no  doubt  whatever 
as  to  the  hostility  of  the  head  chief  Raven  and 
his  followers,  who  constituted  a  large  majority 
of  the  tribe.  It  is  generally  conceded  that  the 
chief  Left  Hand  and  a  few  of  his  adherents  were 
peaceably  inclined.  But,  unfortunately,  he  and 
the  occupants  of  six  or  eight  lodges  of  his  people, 
about  forty  persons  in  all,  including  women  and 
children,  were  in  the  camp  of  the  hostile  Chey- 
ennes  and  Arapahoes  at  the  time  the  attack  was 
made,  and  suffered  accordingly.  Left  Hand  knew 
that  the  Cheyennes  and  a  very  large  part  of  his 
own  people  were  at  war  with  the  whites,  and  of  the 
chance  he  was  taking  in  being  in  company  with 
the  hostiles.  If  it  resulted  disastrously,  he  had 


The  Battle  of  Sand  Creek         175 

no  one  but  himself  to  blame.  It  was  utterly 
impossible  to  discriminate  between  Indians  in 
the  midst  of  the  battle.  In  those  days,  Indians 
seldom  permitted  themselves  to  be  taken  pris- 
oners in  battle,  and  an  attempt  to  do  so,  even  if 
the  Indian  was  badly  wounded,  was  a  dangerous 
undertaking.  This  was  the  reason  that  no  pris- 
oners were  taken  at  Sand  Creek.  Major  Anthony, 
who  was  not  friendly  to  Colonel  Chivington,  says 
that  while  in  some  instances  the  Indians  killed 
at  Sand  Creek  were  mutilated,  he  saw  nothing  to 
the  extent  since  stated. 

Colonel  Chivington's  statement  concerning  the 
matter  is : 

Officers  who  passed  over  the  field  by  my  orders  after 
the  battle,  for  the  purpose  of  ascertaining  the  number 
of  Indians  killed,  report  that  they  saw  but  few  women 
and  children  dead;  no  more  than  would  certainly  fall 
in  an  attack  upon  a  camp  in  which  they  were.  I  my- 
self passed  over  some  portions  of  the  field  after  the 
fight,  and  saw  but  one  woman  who  had  been  killed 
and  one  who  had  hanged  herself.  I  saw  no  dead 
children. 

In  this  connection,  I  wish  to  refer  back  to  my 
own  statement  concerning  the  matter,  as  Colonel 
Chivington's  observations  were  identical  with 
mine. 

All  this  shows  that  the  charge  that  the  battle 


176  A  Defense  of 

was  merely  a  massacre  is  as  untruthful  as  are 
most  of  the  other  statements  made  by  the  coterie 
of  disgruntled  army  officers,  Indian  agents,  traders, 
interpreters,  and  half-breeds.  Much  of  the  testi- 
mony given  at  the  Congressional  and  military 
hearings  was  hearsay  evidence  of  statements  said 
to  have  been  made  by  persons  who  claimed  to  have 
been  in  the  battle.  Possibly,  some  such  state- 
ments may  have  been  made  by  irresponsible 
braggarts  belonging  to  the  two  regiments  that 
formed  the  command,  for  in  every  regiment  during 
the  Rebellion,  Eastern  as  well  as  Western,  there 
were  a  few  men  who  were  no  credit  to  their  com- 
rades, and  who  have  since  told  of  many  fictitious 
happenings,  or  those  having  only  the  slightest 
basis  of  truth.  Statements  of  this  character  may, 
perhaps,  have  been  made  by  irresponsible  members 
of  the  First  and  Third  Colorado  regiments. 

It  is  inconceivable  to  any  one  who  knew  the 
members  of  the  latter  regiment  that  either  its  offi- 
cers or  enlisted  men,  with  possibly  a  rare  exception, 
would  have  approved  of,  and  much  less  have 
participated  in,  the  wanton  acts  of  cruelty  claimed 
to  have  been  perpetrated.  No  unprejudiced 
person  can  believe  a  charge  of  such  a  character 
against  Colonel  Shoup,  afterwards  for  many  years 
an  honored  United  States  Senator  from  the  State 


The  Battle  of  Sand  Creek         177 

of  Idaho ;  or  of  Major  Hal  Sayre,  one  of  Colorado's 
most  respected  mining  engineers;  or  of  Captain 
Harper  Orahood,  who,  later,  was  for  many  years 
a  law  partner  of  Senator  H.  M.  Teller;  or  of 
Captain  Baxter  of  Pueblo,  or  Captain  Nichols  of 
Boulder,  both  afterwards  members  of  the  Legisla- 
ture of  Colorado  and  honored  citizens  in  the 
community  in  which  they  lived ;  or  in  fact  against 
any  of  the  officers  of  the  Third  Colorado,  as 
practically  all  of  them  were  men  of  high  standing 
in  their  respective  communities. 

I  was  on  the  battle-field  within  fifteen  minutes 
after  the  fight  began,  and  during  the  day,  with  a 
part  of  our  company,  I  went  along  the  south  side 
of  Sand  Creek  from  the  scene  of  one  engagement  to 
another,  until  I  had  covered  the  full  length  of  the 
battle-field  on  that  side  of  the  creek.  We  then 
crossed  over  to  the  north  side  and  followed  up  the 
creek  as  far  as  the  engagement  had  extended.  On 
our  return  to  camp,  we  went  over  the  entire  length 
of  the  scene  of  the  fighting  on  the  north  side  of  the 
creek,  thus  covering  almost  the  entire  battle-field, 
as  after  the  first  half -hour  in  the  morning  there 
was  but  little  fighting  except  near  the  banks  of  the 
creek.  During  that  time  I  saw  much  of  the  battle, 
but  not  once  did  I  see  any  one  shoot  at  a  squaw  or  a 
child,  nor  did  I  see  any  one  take  a  scalp,  although 


12 


178  A  Defense  of 

it  is  true  that  scalps  were  taken,  for  as  I  returned 
to  camp  I  saw  a  number  of  dead  Indians  whose 
scalps  had  been  taken,  and  among  them  a  few 
squaws.  They  had  probably  been  scalped  by 
some  of  the  reckless  persons  referred  to,  or  possibly 
by  some  of  the  many  men  in  the  regiment  whose 
relatives  or  friends  had  been  killed  and  brutally 
mutilated  by  the  savages  during  the  preceding 
summer.  I  am  not  apologizing  for  the  acts  of 
these  people,  but  every  fair-minded  person  must 
admit  that  there  may  have  been  extenuating 
circumstances  connected  with  the  offense,  and  no 
one  unfamiliar  with  the  horrors  of  savage  warfare 
can  appreciate  the  feelings  of  those  who  have 
suffered  from  their  attacks.  I  did  not  see  a  dead 
or  wounded  child,  and  it  is  inconceivable  that  any 
were  killed  during  the  fight  except  accidentally. 
The  incident  of  the  child  who  wished  me  to  take 
it  up  as  I  was  returning  to  the  camp  indicates  the 
sympathetic  attitude  of  our  men  towards  the 
innocent  non-combatants. 

I  think  the  proof  I  have  presented  shows  conclu- 
sively that  every  one  of  the  charges  made  by  the 
enemies  of  Colonel  Chivington  was  untrue;  that, 
on  the  contrary,  the  Indians  attacked  at  Sand 
Creek  were,  and  had  been  during  the  previous 
summer,  viciously  hostile  to  the  whites ;  that  they 


The  Battle  of  Sand  Creek         179 

were  not  under  the  protection  of  the  military 
authorities  at  Fort  Lyon,  and  that  the  battle  was 
not  a  wanton  massacre. 

The  adverse  criticism  of  this  whole  affair  was 
but  one  of  the  many  acts  of  injustice  experienced 
by  the  frontier  settlers.  From  the  formation  of 
the  Government,  up  to  the  time  when  the  Indians 
were  finally  placed  upon  reservations,  the  frontier 
settlements,  in  addition  to  defending  themselves 
from  the  savages,  always  had  to  contend  with  the 
sentimental  feeling  in  favor  of  the  Indians  that 
prevailed  in  the  East.  The  people  of  the  East 
had  apparently  forgotten  the  atrocities  perpetrated 
on  their  ancestors  by  the  savages,  and,  resting 
secure  in  the  safety  of  their  own  homes,  they  could 
not  realize  the  privations  and  dangers  that  those 
who  were  opening  up  the  regions  of  the  West  had 
to  endure.  And  to  add  to  the  difficulties  of  the 
situation,  the  Indian  Department  was  usually 
dominated  by  sentimental  people  who  apparently 
never  had  any  conception  of  a  proper  and  humane 
method  of  dealing  with  the  Indians. 

The  Government  continued  to  recognize  each 
one  of  the  tribes  as  a  separate  nation,  and  entered 
into  treaties  with  them,  as  though  they  had  the 
standing  of  an  independent  and  responsible  power. 
Broken  down  and  often  corrupt  men  were  ap- 


i8o  A  Defense  of 

pointed  as  agents  to  represent  the  Government. 
The  salaries  received  by  the  agents  were  so  small 
that  no  one  could  afford  to  take  the  position  unless 
he  intended  to  increase  his  remuneration  by  corrupt 
methods.  As  a  part  of  this  machinery  for  dealing 
with  the  Indians,  disreputable  white  men  were 
employed  as  interpreters,  who,  often  by  reason  of 
some  crime  committed  in  the  States,  had  for 
safety's  sake  exiled  themselves  among  the  Indians, 
had  married  squaws,  and,  virtually,  had  become 
Indians  in  habits  and  sympathy.  The  result  was 
that  when  the  Government  made  treaties  with  the 
Indians,  accompanied  by  an  issue  of  annuities,  it 
frequently  happened  that  the  agent  and  the  inter- 
preter would  apply  a  considerable  portion  of  such 
annuities  to  their  own  use.  The  Indians,  knowing 
this,  would  become  angry  and  take  vengeance 
upon  the  white  settler. 

No  effort  seems  to  have  been  made  to  study  the 
nature  and  character  of  the  Indian,  nor  the 
inherited  traits  that  governed  him  in  his  dealings 
with  others.  The  nomadic  Indian  of  the  central 
and  western  part  of  the  United  States  was,  in 
most  matters,  merely  a  child.  His  sole  occupation 
from  youth  to  old  age  was  following  the  chase 
and  fighting  his  enemies.  Almost  the  sole  topic  of 
conversation  in  their  tents  and  around  their  camp- 


The  Battle  of  Sand  Creek         181 

fires  was  the  details  of  their  hunting  expeditions 
and  of  their  battles;  and  from  his  earliest  days, 
every  Indian  boy  was  taught  that  his  one  hope  of 
glory  and  the  making  of  a  reputation  depended 
upon  his  ability  to  kill  other  human  beings.  Every 
tribe  had  its  hereditary  enemies  with  whom  it  was 
in  a  state  of  continuous  warfare.  During  the 
summer-time,  it  was  one  continuous  round  of  war- 
parties  going  out  to  attack  their  enemies,  and 
parties  returning,  bringing  with  them  the  scalps 
of  those  they  had  killed,  together  with  squaws  and 
children  they  had  captured,  and  frequently  with 
large  herds  of  horses  they  had  stolen.  If  the  raids 
were  against  the  whites,  they  would  return  with 
all  sorts  of  plunder  taken  from  wagon-trains  and 
ranch  houses,  and  oftentimes  with  captive  white 
women  and  children.  It  must  be  understood  that 
no  white  man  who  understood  the  character  of  the 
Indian  would  ever  permit  himself  to  be  taken  a 
prisoner,  for  that  meant  torture  of  the  most  horri- 
ble character.  For  that  reason,  white  men,  engaged 
in  battle  with  the  Indians,  seldom  failed  to  reserve 
one  last  shot  in  their  revolvers,  with  which  to 
end  their  lives  if  capture  was  imminent,  and  in 
many  instances  men  have  shot  their  wives 
and  children  rather  than  allow  them  to  fall 
into  the  hands  of  the  Indians.  The  fate 


182  A  Defense  of 

of  the  women  captured  by  the  Indians  is 
indescribable. 

After  a  successful  raid,  there  would  ensue  a  series 
of  scalp  dances,  accompanied  by  a  period  of 
frenzied  rejoicing,  in  which  unspeakable  cruelties 
were  perpetrated  upon  their  captive  victims.  The 
fiendishness  of  these  cruelties  it  is  almost  im- 
possible to  describe.  In  these  orgies  the  squaws 
always  participated,  and  as  a  rule  were  even  more 
diabolical  than  the  warriors.  With  such  examples 
and  with  such  mothers,  how  could  an  Indian  child 
grow  up  to  be  anything  but  fiendish?  The  Indians 
had  no  conception  of  such  a  thing  as  mercy, 
compassion,  or  humane  treatment  of  their  enemies. 
Any  exhibition  of  sentiment  of  that  sort  would 
have  been  considered  an  evidence  of  weakness,  and 
any  act  of  forbearance  shown  toward  them  by  the 
whites  served  only  to  make  them  more  difficult  to 
control  thereafter.  They  gave  no  quarter  and 
they  asked  no  quarter. 

As  showing  their  contempt  for  the  army,  I  saw 
upon  more  than  one  of  the  Indian  tents  that  we 
captured  at  Sand  Creek  rude  paintings  portraying 
their  fights  with  the  soldiers  of  the  United  States 
Army.  In  every  case  the  soldiers  were  running  at 
the  top  of  their  speed,  pursued  by  Indians  who 
were  firing  at  them  and  scalping  those  who  had 


The  Battle  of  Sand  Creek         183 

been  killed.  The  Indians  knew  no  law,  nor  did 
the  Government  attempt  to  teach  them  any. 
From  the  first  they  were  permitted  to  go  on  year 
by  year  educating  their  young  in  savagery,  while 
at  the  same  time  the  agents  of  the  Government 
were  dealing  dishonestly  with  them;  and  in  every 
case  it  was  the  frontier  settler  who  had  to  pay  the 
penalty. 

The  savages  soon  found  out  that  they  could  kill 
the  whites,  steal  or  destroy  their  property  through- 
out the  summer,  and  then  upon  their  professing 
penitence,  the  Government  would  permit  them  to 
remain  unmolested  during  the  winter  and  at  other 
times  would  make  a  treaty  of  peace  with  them 
and  give  them  large  quantities  of  annuities.  After 
this,  they  could  rest  in  security  until  their  ponies 
were  in  condition  to  start  upon  the  war-path  again 
the  following  spring.  Was  there  ever  anything 
in  the  history  of  the  dealings  of  any  nation  with 
its  savage  neighbors  more  absurd  or  more  dis- 
reputable? The  period  I  have  referred  to  was 
certainly  a  "Century  of  Dishonor,"  not  only 
because  of  the  attitude  of  the  Government  in  its 
dealings  with  the  Indians,  but  in  the  treatment  of 
those  of  its  own  people  who  were  opening  up 
frontier  lands  for  settlement. 

The  Indians  could  have  been  easily  handled  had 


1 84  A  Defense  of 

the  Government  studied  their  nature  and  for- 
mulated a  system  of  laws  for  their  control,  com- 
pelling them  to  regard  the  rights  of  the  whites  as 
well  as  of  their  neighboring  tribes,  and  had  at  the 
same  time  protected  them  from  wrongs  perpetrated 
upon  them  by  thieving  and  disreputable  white 
men;  in  short,  have  treated  them  with  justice  in 
all  things,  and  have  required  the  same  from  them 
in  their  dealing  with  the  whites.  Had  this  policy 
been  pursued,  it  would  have  been  of  infinite 
benefit  to  the  Indians,  and  would  have  saved  the 
lives  of  thousands  of  white  men  along  the  frontier 
settlements.  In  this  connection,  I  assert,  from 
my  personal  knowledge,  that  more  than  ninety -five 
per  cent,  of  the  frontier  settlers  treated  the  Indians 
with  the  utmost  fairness  and  used  every  possible 
endeavor  to  avoid  difficulties  with  them. 

As  I  have  already  said,  the  Indian  is  at  a  great 
disadvantage  in  carrying  on  warfare  during  the 
winter.  He  has  no  trouble  in  this  direction  in  his 
warfare  with  his  own  race,  as  every  tribe  is  alike 
in  this  respect.  In  this  way  the  white  people  had 
a  great  advantage,  and  it  would  have  required 
only  a  few  cases  of  summary  punishment  such  as 
we  gave  them  at  Sand  Creek,  to  have  settled 
Indian  troubles  for  all  time.  We  who  inhabited 
the  frontier  in  the  early  sixties  knew  this  and 


The  Battle  of  Sand  Creek        185 

realized  that  nothing  struck  such  terror  to  the 
Indian  tribes  as  to  be  attacked  in  the  winter,  and 
had  the  battle  of  Sand  Creek  been  followed  up  as 
it  should  have  been,  the  frontier  settlements  of 
Colorado  would  thereafter  have  had  little  trouble 
with  any  of  the  Indians  of  the  plains. 

Four  years  later,  the  absurdity  of  the  policy  of 
permitting  the  Indians  to  murder  and  rob  during 
the  summer,  make  peace  in  the  fall,  and  remain 
unmolested  during  the  winter,  accumulating  am- 
munition for  the  following  summer's  warfare, 
finally  dawned  upon  the  military  authorities  and 
a  new  policy  was  adopted.  As  a  result,  on  the 
27th  of  November,  1868,  General  Custer,  under 
the  direction  of  General  Sheridan,  commander  of 
the  military  division  of  the  Missouri,  made  an 
attack  upon  the  Cheyennes  camped  on  the  Wash- 
ita,  south  of  the  Arkansas  River,  in  which  one 
hundred  and  three  Indians  (a  number  of  whom 
were  squaws)  were  killed,  fifty-three  squaws  and 
children  were  captured,  and  875  ponies  were  taken. 
This  attack  was  at  the  same  time  of  year  and  was 
almost  identical  with  that  made  by  Chivington  at 
Sand  Creek.  General  Sheridan  says  in  his  report : 

The  objects  of  the  winter's  operations  were  to 
strike  a  hard  blow  and  force  them  on  to  the  reserva- 
tion set  apart  for  them,  or  if  this  could  not  be  accom- 


i86         A  Defense  of  Sand  Creek 

plished,  to  show  to  the  Indian  that  the  winter  season 
would  not  give  him  rest;  that  he,  with  his  village  and 
stock,  could  be  destroyed;  that  he  would  have  no 
security  winter  or  summer  except  in  obeying  the  laws 
of  peace  and  humanity. 

As  in  the  case  of  Chivington,  Custer  was  at- 
tacked viciously  for  this  affair  by  Wynkoop  and 
others,  but,  fortunately,  Custer  had  the  backing 
of  the  commanding  officers  of  the  army  and  noth- 
ing his  enemies  could  do  affected  him  in  the  least. 

What  a  fortunate  thing  it  would  have  been  for 
the  frontier  people  if  this  policy  had  been  adopted 
a  few  years  sooner! 


CHAPTER  VII 

THE  INDIAN  WAR  OF  1 868 

POURING  the  three  years  following  the  battle 
*-^  of  Sand  Creek  there  was  little  trouble  with 
the  Indians  in  El  Paso  County;  consequently 
the  people  of  that  section  of  Colorado,  while 
keeping  a  sharp  lookout,  felt  fairly  safe  upon  their 
ranches.  During  the  summer  season  of  each  of 
these  years,  however,  the  Sioux,  Cheyennes,  and 
Arapahoes  continued  their  raids  upon  the  exposed 
settlements  and  the  lines  of  travel  to  the  East. 

In  the  meantime,  the  Government  was  following 
its  usual  temporizing  policy  with  the  savages.  In 
the  spring  of  1867,  agents  of  the  Indian  Bureau 
attempted  to  negotiate  a  new  treaty  with  the 
Cheyennes  and  Arapahoes,  and  for  that  purpose 
visited  them  at  their  camp  on  Pawnee  Fork,  near 
Fort  Larned,  Kansas.  But  spring  was  not  the 
time  of  year  when  the  Indians  wanted  to  negotiate 
treaties,  and  as  a  result,  after  making  several 
appointments  for  councils,  none  of  which  was  kept, 

187 


1 88          The  Indian  War  of  1868 

the  savages  suddenly  disappeared,  and  were  next 
heard  of  raiding  the  frontier  settlements  of  Kansas 
and  Nebraska,  and  the  lines  of  travel  between 
Colorado  and  the  Missouri  River.  These  raids 
were  continued  during  the  next  five  or  six  months, 
but,  after  killing  and  robbing  the  whites  all  sum- 
mer, these  Cheyennes  and  Arapahoes  came  in 
again  professing  penitence;  whereupon,  following 
the  usual  custom,  a  new  treaty  was  made  with 
them,  by  the  terms  of  which  both  tribes  consented 
to  give  up  their  lands  in  Colorado  and  settle  upon 
a  reservation  elsewhere.  Under  the  treaty,  they 
agreed  that  "  hereafter  they  would  not  molest 
any  coach  or  wagon,  nor  carry  off  any  white 
woman  or  child,  nor  kill  or  scalp  any  white  man.'1 
For  this  and  the  lands  ceded  by  them,  these 
tribes  were  to  receive  twenty  thousand  dollars 
annually,  and  a  suit  of  clothes  for  each  Indian; 
and,  in  addition,  teachers,  physicians,  farmers' 
implements,  etc.,  were  to  be  provided,  in  order  to 
help  them  to  acquire  the  habits  of  civilization. 

While  it  was  not  expressly  stated  in  the  treaty, 
it  was  understood  that  the  Cheyennes  and  Arapa- 
hoes were  to  be  supplied  with  arms  and  ammuni- 
tion. The  treaty  seems  to  have  been  entered 
into  by  the  agents  of  the  Indian  Bureau  with  all 
the  outward  semblance  of  good  faith,  although  if 


The  Indian  War  of  1868         189 

those  report sible  knew  anything  of  the  facts  they 
must  have  realized  that  the  promise  of  these 
Indians  to  remain  peaceable  was  utterly  worth- 
less, as  had  been  proved  year  after  year  for  a  long 
period  of  time.  Not  only  did  the  treaty  turn  out 
to  be  worthless,  but  that  part  of  it  giving  the 
savages  arms  and  ammunition  was  particularly 
reprehensible,  as  was  shown  by  the  results.  The 
savages  remained  quiet  during  the  winter,  as 
usual,  but  in  the  spring  they  demanded  the  arms 
and  ammunition  that  had  been  promised  to  them, 
and  the  Indian  agents  urged  the  Bureau  to  grant 
the  request,  making  the  plea  that  the  Indians 
would  starve  unless  these  were  given  to  them,  so 
that  they  might  be  able  to  hunt  the  buffalo  and 
other  game  of  the  plains. 

Evidently  the  Government  hesitated,  but,  fi- 
nally, influenced  by  these  statements,  the  issue 
of  the  arms  and  ammunition  was  authorized.  At 
this  juncture,  Major  Wynkoop,  who  after  the 
battle  of  Sand  Creek  had  proved  himself  an 
enemy  of  the  people  of  Colorado,  again  showed 
that  he  had  no  regard  for  their  welfare.  He 
had  by  this  time  been  taken  into  the  service 
of  the  Indian  Bureau,  presumably  as  a  reward 
for  his  services  in  aid  of  the  Bureau  in  connection 
with  the  Sand  Creek  investigation,  and  had  been 


190         The  Indian  War  of  1868 

appointed  an  Indian  agent.  He  was  one  of  those 
who  had  been  urging  that  arms  and  ammunition 
be  given  to  the  Indians,  and  it  was  he  who  finally 
delivered  them  to  the  savages.  On  August  10, 
1868,  he  wrote  to  the  Department: 

I  yesterday  made  the  whole  issue  of  annuity,  goods, 
arms,  and  ammunition  to  the  Cheyenne  chiefs  and 
people  of  their  nation.  They  were  delighted  in 
receiving  the  goods,  particularly  the  arms  and  ammuni- 
tion, and  never  before  have  I  known  them  to  be  bet- 
ter satisfied  and  express  themselves  as  being  so  well 
contented  previous  to  the  issue.  They  have  now  left 
for  their  hunting  grounds  and  I  am  perfectly  satisfied 
that  there  will  be  no  trouble  with  them  this  season. 

On  the  very  day  that  Wynkoop  sent  this  letter, 
a  body  of  two  hundred  and  fifty  Cheyennes, 
Arapahoes,  and  Sioux  were  raiding  the  settle- 
ments on  the  Saline  River  in  Kansas,  killing 
settlers,  burning  buildings,  and  committing  un- 
speakable outrages  on  many  defenseless  women. 
Before  the  end  of  the  month,  according  to  the 
report  of  General  Sheridan  for  that  year,  forty 
white  men  had  been  killed  by  the  savages  on  the 
frontiers  of  Kansas  and  Colorado,  many  were 
wounded,  and  a  large  amount  of  property  de- 
stroyed. 

I   must,    however,    confine   my    narrative    to 


The  Indian  War  of  1868          191 

events  that  occurred  in  El  Paso  County  and  the 
counties  adjoining.  About  ten  days  after  the 
Wynkoop  letter  was  written,  a  party  of  seventy- 
five  Cheyennes  and  Arapahoes,  all  well  mounted, 
marched  in  from  the  plains  and  passed  up 
through  Colorado  City.  Most  of  the  savages 
had  modern  guns  and  were  well  supplied  with 
ammunition, — presumably  issued  by  the  Govern- 
ment. They  bore  letters  from  Indian  agents  and 
peace  commissioners,  which  stated  that  they 
were  peaceably  disposed  and  should  not  be  feared 
nor  molested;  but  our  people,  not  being  sat- 
isfied with  that  kind  of  testimony,  telegraphed 
to  the  Governor  at  Denver,  who  replied,  reiterat- 
ing that  they  were  not  hostile  and  must  not  be 
interfered  with.  At  the  time  of  their  visit  to  Col- 
orado City,  the  Indians  were  noticeably  sullen  in 
their  demeanor,  and  appeared  to  be  observing 
everything  in  a  suspicious  manner.  However, 
they  left  without  committing  any  overt  act,  and, 
apparently,  went  on  leisurely  up  the  Ute  Pass 
into  the  mountains  to  fight  the  Utes,  which  they 
claimed  was  their  intention. 

A  day  or  two  later  they  surprised  a  small  band 
of  Utes  who  were  camped  a  few  miles  south  of 
the  Hartsell  ranch  in  the  South  Park,  and  in  the 
fight  that  followed  claimed  to  have  killed  six  of 


192          The  Indian  War  of  1868 

the  Utes  including  two  or  three  squaws,  and  to 
have  carried  off  a  small  boy.  On  the  day  of 
this  occurrence  Samuel  Hartsell,  owner  of  the 
ranch  above  referred  to,  had  gone  over  to 
the  mountains  that  form  the  eastern  border  of  the 
South  Park,  looking  for  wild  raspberries.  While 
on  one  of  the  low  mountains  of  that  locality,  he 
saw  a  group  of  mounted  men  in  the  valley  below, 
a  mile  or  so  away.  He  had  not  heard  of  any 
Cheyennes  or  Arapahoes  being  in  that  neighbor- 
hood, consequently  he  very  naturally  concluded 
that  the  horsemen  were  Utes.  Having  been  on 
friendly  terms  with  that  tribe  for  many  years, 
and  well  acquainted  with  many  of  its  members, 
he  decided  to  ride  down  the  mountain  to  meet 
them.  But  as  he  came  near  the  group,  he  noticed 
that  they  were  not  dressed  as  the  Utes  usually 
were,  nor  did  they  look  like  the  people  of  that 
tribe;  however,  it  was  now  too  late  to  retreat,  as 
almost  immediately  afterward  he  was  discovered 
and  surrounded  by  the  savages.  By  that  time 
Hartsell,  through  his  general  knowledge  of  the 
Indians  of  this  Western  country,  knew  that  his 
captors  were  Cheyenne  and  Arapahoe  warriors, 
tribes  that  had  been  hostile  to  the  whites  during 
the  past  four  years,  and  were  still  hostile,  so  far 
as  he  knew.  Consequently,  he  was  very  much 


The  Indian  War  of  1868          193 

alarmed,  realizing  that  he  was  in  a  very  dangerous 
situation.  Evidently,  the  savages  were  not  yet 
ready  to  begin  hostilities,  as  was  proved  by  their 
efforts  to  reassure  Hartsell  by  showing  him  their 
certificates  from  Indian  agents,  telling  of  their 
peaceable  character;  but  this  did  not  prevent 
them  from  at  once  taking  his  revolver,  ammu- 
nition, and  pocket  knife. 

Hartsell  estimated  that  there  were  about 
seventy  Indians  in  the  band,  all  of  whom  were 
fully  armed  and  amply  supplied  with  ammuni- 
tion. The  savages  told  him  of  their  victory  over 
the  Utes,  showed  him  the  scalps  they  had  taken, 
and  the  boy  they  had  captured.  Finally,  after 
keeping  Hartsell  in  suspense  for  more  than  three 
hours,  the  Indians  allowed  him  to  go  without 
injury,  and  then  departed  eastward  in  the  direc- 
tion of  Colorado  City.  The  people  of  Colorado 
City  and  its  vicinity  knew  nothing  of  this  oc- 
currence until  some  time  afterwards.  Notwith- 
standing the  assurance  of  the  Governor  and  the 
Indian  agents,  the  settlers  continued  to  be  very 
much  alarmed  at  the  presence  of  the  savages,  and 
knowing  their  treacherous  nature,  maintained 
a  sharp  lookout  in  order  to  prevent  being  at- 
tacked unawares.  About  eleven  o'clock  in  the 

morning   three   or  four  days   after  the   savages 
13 


194         The  Indian  War  of  1868 

disappeared  up  Ute  Pass,  three  Indians  appeared 
at  H.  M.  Teachout's  ranch  on  Monument  Creek, 
eight  miles  northeast  of  Colorado  City.  They 
claimed  to  be  friendly  Utes,  but  Teachout,  being 
familiar  with  the  Indian  tribes  of  the  region,  knew 
that  they  were  not  Utes.  After  staying  five  or 
ten  minutes,  during  which  time  they  seemed  to 
be  intent  on  taking  in  the  surroundings,  and 
especially  the  corral  where  Teachout's  large  herd 
of  horses  was  kept  at  night,  they  left,  following  the 
main  road  towards  Colorado  City.  Mr.  Teachout 
and  his  brother,  who  lived  on  the  Divide,  owned 
about  one  hundred  and  fifty  horses,  all  of  which 
were  kept  at  this  Monument  Creek  ranch. 

After  the  Indians  had  disappeared,  Teachout, 
being  alarmed,  rounded  up  his  horses  and  drove 
them  into  the  corral,  where  he  kept  them  during 
the  daytime  thereafter,  letting  them  out  to  graze 
only  at  night,  thinking  that  the  safest  plan. 
Apparently,  the  Indians,  having  obtained  all  the 
information  they  desired  concerning  the  settle- 
ments around  Colorado  City,  disappeared,  and  a 
day  or  two  later  were  heard  of  raiding  the  frontier 
settlements  east  of  Bijou  Basin  and  on  the  head- 
waters of  Kiowa,  Bijou,  and  Running  creeks, 
during  which  raid  they  killed  several  people  and 
ran  off  much  stock. 


The  Indian  War  of  1868          195 

On  August  27,  1868,  the  Cheyennes  and  Arapa- 
hoes  killed  Mrs.  Henrietta  Dieterman  and  her 
five-year-old  son  on  Comanche  Creek,  about 
twenty-five  miles  northeast  of  Colorado  City,  in 
a  peculiarly  atrocious  manner.  The  Dieterman 
household  consisted  of  Mr.  and  Mrs.  Dieterman, 
a  daughter  about  twelve  years  old,  a  son  of  five 
years,  a  sister  of  Mr.  Dieterman's,  and  a  hired 
man.  The  sister  was  soon  to  marry  the  hired 
man,  and  he  and  Mr.  Dieterman  had  gone  to 
Denver  to  buy  furniture  for  the  new  house- 
hold, leaving  a  German  farmhand  temporarily  in 
charge.  On  the  morning  of  the  27th,  something 
happened  to  alarm  Mrs.  Dieterman.  She  evi- 
dently believed  the  Indians  were  near,  for  she 
hurriedly  started  with  her  sister-in-law  and  the 
two  children  for  a  neighbor's  house  some  distance 
away.  After  having  gone  a  few  hundred  yards  she 
remembered  that  she  had  left  a  considerable  sum 
of  money  in  the  house,  and  with  her  small  son  went 
back  to  get  it.  They  reached  the  house,  got  the 
money,  and  started  away  again,  but  had  gone 
only  a  short  distance  when  they  were  overtaken 
by  the  Indians,  who  at  once  shot  and  killed  both 
of  them.  The  savages  shot  the  boy  repeatedly 
and  finally  broke  his  neck.  The  mother  was  shot 
through  the  body,  stabbed,  and  scalped,  and  the 


196         The  Indian  War  of  1868 

bodies  of  both  were  dreadfully  mutilated.  Those 
who  afterwards  saw  the  victims  said  that  it  was 
one  of  the  most  horrible  sights  they  had  ever 
looked  upon.  Meanwhile,  the  sister-in-law  and 
daughter  ran  to  where  the  German  was  working 
in  the  field  near  by.  He  stood  the  Indians  off 
by  pointing  the  handle  of  his  hoe  at  them,  making 
them  believe  it  was  a  gun.  In  that  way  he  covered 
the  retreat  of  himself  and  the  others  to  a  neigh- 
bor's house.  Mrs.  Dieterman  had  formerly  lived 
near  the  northern  line  of  El  Paso  County,  and  was 
well  known  to  many  of  the  old  settlers.  The 
awful  tragedy  of  her  death  created  a  great  sensa- 
tion, not  only  in  that  county,  but  also  in  Denver 
and  throughout  the  entire  State.  News  of  the 
killing  of  Mrs.  Dieterman  and  of  the  other  out- 
rages perpetrated  by  the  Indians  in  that  region 
reached  Colorado  City  late  in  the  evening,  a  day 
or  two  afterwards.  As  there  was  a  possibility  of 
the  savages  appearing  at  any  moment,  messengers 
were  at  once  sent  throughout  the  county  notify- 
ing the  people  of  the  great  danger  that  confronted 
them.  At  that  time  I  happened  to  be  at  home 
with  my  father  and  other  members  of  the  family 
on  our  Bear  Creek  ranch.  About  eleven  o'clock 
at  night,  we  were  aroused  from  sleep  by  the 
messenger  sent  to  warn  us  and  were  advised  to 


The  Indian  War  of  1868          19? 

go  immediately  to  Colorado  City  for  protection. 
We  appreciated  the  danger  of  our  situation  and 
quickly  hitched  up  our  team,  put  a  few  necessary 
articles  of  wearing  apparel  and  bedding  into  the 
wagon,  and  started  for  town,  three  miles  distant. 
It  was  a  dark  night,  which  made  the  trip  a  weird 
as  well  as  an  anxious  one.  With  my  sisters  and 
younger  brothers  in  the  wagon,  my  father  and  I 
marched  along  behind,  each  with  a  rifle  in  hand, 
knowing  that  there  was  a  possibility  that  the 
Indians  had  already  stolen  into  this  region,  and 
that  every  bush  or  rock  on  the  way  might  conceal 
a  savage;  but  nothing  happened  and  we  reached 
town  in  safety.  It  was  an  incident  that  made 
one  appreciate  to  the  fullest  extent  the  disagree- 
able and  dangerous  features  of  frontier  life.  We 
rented  a  house  in  Colorado  City,  moved  our 
household  effects  from  the  ranch,  and  remained 
in  town  until  after  the  Indian  troubles  were  over. 
Early  in  the  morning  of  September  1st,  Mr. 
Teachout,  accompanied  by  his  hired  man,  went 
out  to  bring  in  his  herd  of  horses,  as  had  been  his 
custom  since  the  visit  of  the  three  Indians  a  few 
days  previous.  They  went  down  Monument 
Creek  a  mile  or  two,  then  up  Cotton  wood  Creek, 
where  they  found  the  herd  scattered  along  the 
valley  for  a  mile  or  more  above  the  point  where 


198         The  Indian  War  of  1868 

the  Santa  Fe  Railway  now  crosses  that  creek, 
which  is  about  six  miles  north  of  the  present 
city  of  Colorado  Springs.  The  two  rode  leis- 
urely through  the  herd  up  the  valley  on  the 
south  side  of  the  stream,  and  had  gone  about 
half  a  mile  above  the  point  just  mentioned,  when 
they  saw  a  half  dozen  mounted  Indians  come  over 
the  hill  to  the  north  and  dash  at  full  speed  in  the 
direction  of  the  herd.  Following  them,  other 
Indians  came  in  sight,  until  there  were  at  least 
twenty -five  in  the  band.  In  a  very  short  time  the 
savages  had  rounded  up  most  of  the  horses  and 
were  driving  them  up  the  creek  at  a  furious  speed. 
They  passed  Teachout,  who  was  on  the  other  side 
of  the  creek,  expecting  every  minute  to  be  at- 
tacked. Neither  he  nor  his  hired  man  had  guns, 
but  as  they  did  not  run,  the  Indians  evidently 
thought  they  were  armed,  and  kept  some  distance 
away.  As  they  went  by,  one  of  the  Indians  who 
could  speak  English  yelled:  "Damn  you,  we  are 
going  to  take  your  horses!"  Soon  after  this, 
Teachout  saw  that  the  Indians  had  missed  a 
bunch  of  fifteen  to  twenty  colts  that  were  grazing 
off  to  one  side,  and  he  and  his  hired  man  started 
after  them,  thinking  to  save  at  least  that  part  of 
the  herd.  But  the  Indians  soon  discovered  what 
they  were  after  and  started  in  pursuit,  firing  as 


The  Indian  War  of  1868          199 

they  went.  When  affairs  took  this  turn,  there 
was  nothing  left  for  Teachout  and  his  man  to  do 
but  ride  for  their  lives,  and  get  back  to  the  ranch 
as  quickly  as  possible,  which  they  did.  The 
Indians  rounded  up  the  colts  and  soon  disap- 
peared to  the  eastward  up  Cottonwood  Creek 
with  the  entire  herd.  Less  than  an  hour  afterward, 
they  passed  a  ranch  near  the  head  of  the  creek, 
traveling  rapidly.  At  this  place  the  Indians 
attempted  to  add  to  their  herd,  but  failed,  as  the 
horses  they  were  after  happened  to  be  picketed 
close  to  the  house,  and  a  few  shots  from  two  well- 
armed  ranchmen  entrenched  behind  the  walls  of 
their  log  cabin  drove  the  savages  off. 

Upon  reaching  home,  Teachout  immediately 
sent  a  messenger  to  his  brother  on  the  Divide, 
with  an  account  of  the  raid  and  a  request  that  he 
enlist  as  large  an  armed  force  as  could  quickly  be 
gotten  together,  to  follow  the  Indians  and,  if 
possible,  recover  the  horses.  The  brother  acted 
promptly,  and  that  evening  a  party  consisting 
of  Dow  and  Bale  Simpson,  Jim  Sims,  ".Wild 
Bill,"  and  others,  whose  names  I  have  been  un- 
able to  obtain,  twenty-eight  in  all,  started  in 
pursuit  of  the  savages.  The  party  camped  that 
night  at  a  ranch  about  three  miles  southeast  of 
C.  R.  Husted's  saw-mill,  and  at  this  point  were 


200         The  Indian  War  of  1868 

joined  by  a  Mr.  Davis  and  Job  Talbert,  a  brother- 
in-law  of  Mr.  Husted.  These  two  men  had 
expected  to  get  horses  and  arms  at  this  ranch. 
Failing  in  this,  however,  they  started  back  to  the 
mill  the  following  morning,  but  had  gone  only  a 
short  distance  when  the  Indians  overtook  them, 
killed  and  scalped  both  leaving  their  mutilated 
bodies  in  the  road,  where  they  were  found  by 
their  friends  a  few  hours  afterward. 

The  Simpson  party,  as  it  afterwards  was  called, 
started  again  early  in  the  morning,  soon  found  the 
trail  of  the  captured  herd,  and  followed  it  rapidly 
along  the  south  side  of  the  pinery,  then  eastward 
across  Squirrel  Creek  and  down  the  Big  Sandy  to 
the  mouth  of  a  creek  coming  in  from  the  north, 
the  size  of  the  herd  making  the  trail  plain  and 
easy  to  follow.  So  far  no  Indians  had  been  seen, 
and  the  indications  were  that  the  Indians  with  the 
stolen  horses  were  so  far  ahead  as  to  make  further 
pursuit  useless.  But  instead  of  returning  directly 
home,  they  decided  to  follow  up  this  creek  and 
scout  the  country  to  the  east  of  Bijou  Basin.  A 
few  miles  up  the  creek  they  came  to  a  ranch,  which 
they  found  deserted.  The  house  was  open  and 
had  been  thoroughly  ransacked,  but  the  owner 
nowhere  appeared.  After  considerable  search, 
his  dead  body  was  found  some  distance  away. 


The  Indian  War  of  1868          201 

He  had  been  killed  and  scalped  by  the  Indians, 
and,  as  in  every  other  case,  the  body  had  been 
horribly  mutilated,  the  house  looted,  and  all  his 
stock  driven  off.  After  burying  the  body,  the 
party  continued  in  a  northerly  direction  until  it 
reached  the  old  Smoky  Hill  road.  Here  they  met 
a  party  of  eighteen  men  from  the  country  to  the 
north  of  Bijou  Basin,  and  it  was  decided  to  com- 
bine the  two  forces  for  further  scouting  in  that 
region.  A  short  distance  away  from  their  camp 
that  night,  they  found  and  buried  the  bodies 
of  two  men  who  had  been  killed  by  the  Indians  a 
day  or  two  before.  The  combined  parties  camped 
together  that  night,  and  the  following  morning 
started  towards  Bijou  Basin.  During  all  this 
time  no  Indians  had  been  seen,  and  it  seemed 
probable  that  the  savages  had  returned  to  their 
villages  on  the  plains.  Under  this  impression, 
the  men  marched  rather  carelessly  along,  strung 
out  over  the  prairie  for  a  considerable  distance. 
Early  in  the  afternoon  the  party  of  eighteen, 
having  decided  that  there  was  nothing  further  they 
could  accomplish,  left  the  Simpson  party  and 
started  off  northwesterly,  in  the  direction  of  their 
homes.  Hardly  were  they  out  of  sight  when  two 
of  Simpson's  men,  who  were  some  distance  ahead 
of  the  main  party,  saw  a  few  Indians  on  a  hill  not 


202          The  Indian  War  of  1868 

very  far  away.  Word  was  at  once  sent  back  to  the 
stragglers,  and  the  party  closed  up  in  double- 
quick  time.  Meanwhile  other  Indians  appeared, 
until  in  a  short  time  they  greatly  outnumbered 
the  Simpson  party.  This  made  it  imperative  that 
a  place  for  defense  should  be  found  without  delay. 
Apparently,  the  most  favorable  position  in  sight 
was  the  extreme  point  of  a  short  and  rather  iso- 
lated ridge  near  by,  at  which  place  the  ground 
dropped  off  rather  abruptly  on  three  sides.  The 
men  rushed  to  this  point,  formed  a  circle,  and 
began  to  throw  up  temporary  entrenchments  with 
butcher  knives  and  such  other  implements  as 
they  had  at  hand.  By  this  time  the  Indians, 
under  cover  of  a  ridge  to  the  south,  had  opened 
a  sharp  fire.  Bullets  were  whizzing  around  in  a 
lively  fashion  and  in  a  few  minutes  several  of  the 
horses  had  been  wounded.  However,  an  encourag- 
ing feature  of  the  situation  was  that  many  of  the 
shots  fired  by  the  Indians  struck  the  ground  some 
distance  away.  The  whites  returned  the  fire  at 
every  opportunity,  and  had  reason  to  believe 
that  their  shots  had  been  effective  in  a  number  of 
instances,  although  the  Indians  kept  under  cover 
as  much  as  possible.  Before  darkness  came  on,  a 
number  of  Simpson's  men  had  been  wounded  and 
several  of  the  horses  killed.  By  this  time,  not- 


The  Indian  War  of  1868          203 

withstanding  the  strong  defense  that  was  being 
made,  it  became  more  and  more  a  question 
whether  the  party  could  withstand  a  vigorous 
charge  by  the  Indians. 

Night  coming  on,  the  firing  of  the  Indians 
slackened  a  little  and  the  men  were  enabled  to 
give  some  consideration  to  their  situation.  It 
was  realized  that  neither  their  location  nor  re- 
sources were  favorable  for  a  long  siege,  and  for 
that  reason  help  must  be  obtained  as  soon  as 
possible.  Among  the  party  was  a  dare-devil  sort 
of  fellow  known  by  the  name  of  "Wild  Bill,"  who 
volunteered  to  take  the  fastest  horse,  and  in  the 
darkness  endeavor  to  break  through  the  Indian 
line,  which  now  completely  surrounded  the  hill. 
Then,  if  successful,  he  was  to  hurry  on  to  the 
settlements  at  Bijou  Basin,  fifteen  miles  away, 
and  bring  back  reinforcements  as  quickly  as  pos- 
sible. This  suggestion  met  with  the  approval  of 
every  one,  and  arrangements  were  immediately 
made  to  carry  it  into  effect.  About  nine  o'clock 
Wild  Bill,  mounted  on  Dow  Simpson's  race  horse, 
stole  out  from  the  entrenchments  and  quietly 
rode  away.  The  night  being  moderately  dark, 
he  succeeded  in  getting  some  distance  away  be- 
fore he  was  discovered  by  the  Indians.  He  then 
put  spurs  to  his  horse  and  dashed  away  at  the  best 


204          The  Indian  War  of  1868 

speed  the  animal  was  capable  of,  the  Indians 
following  in  a  frantic  endeavor  to  cut  him  off, 
shooting  at  him  as  they  ran.  Fortunately 
neither  he  nor  the  horse  was  hit,  and  in  a  short 
time  he  had  left  the  Indians  far  behind.  After 
that,  he  was  not  long  in  reaching  Bijou  Basin, 
where  arrangements  were  at  once  made  to  dispatch 
couriers  to  Colorado  City  and  elsewhere  for  rein- 
forcements. 

Meanwhile,  those  surrounded  on  the  hill  were 
most  anxious  for  the  safety  of  their  messenger. 
They  heard  the  shots  and  knew  that  he  had  been 
discovered,  and  that  the  Indians  were  in  pursuit 
of  him,  but  had  no  means  of  telling  whether  or 
not  he  had  escaped.  The  only  reassuring  cir- 
cumstance was  that  soon  after  this  the  firing 
gradually  slackened,  finally  stopping  altogether; 
and  when  daylight  came  there  were  no  Indians  in 
sight.  The  besieged  men  realized  that  this  might 
be  only  a  ruse,  and  that  possibly  the  Indians  were 
lurking  near,  ready  to  take  advantage  of  them  after 
they  had  left  their  entrenchments.  However,  on 
account  of  their  critical  position,  being  entirely 
without  water  for  themselves  and  their  horses, 
they  determined  to  make  a  dash  and  take  a  chance 
of  reaching  the  settlements.  This  being  decided 
upon,  they  started  at  once,  and  without  further 


The  Indian  War  of  1868         205 

molestation  reached  Holden's  ranch  in  Bijou 
Basin  before  noon,  no  Indians  having  been  seen 
on  the  way.  In  the  engagement  none  of  the 
party  had  been  killed  and  no  one  seriously 
wounded,  probably  because  of  the  poor  ammuni- 
tion issued  to  the  Indians  by  the  Government— 
for  which  I  suppose  the  white  people  of  this  region 
should  have  been  duly  thankful. 

While  this  engagement  had  been  going  on, 
stirring  events  had  been  happening  in  the  neigh- 
borhood of  Colorado  City  and  elsewhere  in  the 
county.  As  I  have  already  stated,  within  the 
next  few  days  after  the  killing  of  Mrs.  Dieterman, 
and  the  raid  upon  Teachout's  horses,  most  of  the 
ranchmen  down  the  Fountain  Valley  had  brought 
their  families  to  Colorado  City  for  protection. 
The  people  of  the  Divide  gathered  for  defense 
at  McShane's  ranch  near  Monument,  at  John 
Irion's  on  Cherry  Creek,  and  at  Husted's  mill,  in 
the  pinery.  The  air  was  full  of  rumors  of  Indian 
depredations  in  every  direction;  but,  as  it  was 
harvest  time,  it  was  imperative  that  the  gathering 
of  the  crops  be  attended  to.  This  made  it  neces- 
sary that  some  chances  be  taken,  and  it  so  hap- 
pened that,  when  the  crisis  came,  many  of  the 
men  of  Colorado  City  were  out  in  the  harvest  fields 
of  the  surrounding  country. 


206          The  Indian  War  of  1868 

About  noon  on  September  3,  1868,  a  band  of 
forty  to  fifty  Indians  came  dashing  down  the 
valley  of  Monument  Creek,  capturing  all  loose 
horses  in  their  path.  The  first  white  man  they 
ran  across  was  Robert  F.  Love,  of  Colorado  City, 
who  was  riding  along  the  higher  ground  to  the 
east  of  Monument  Creek,  not  far  from  the  pres- 
ent town  of  Roswell.  As  soon  as  Love  saw  the 
Indians,  instead  of  trying  to  get  away,  which  he 
knew  would  be  useless,  he  dismounted,  keeping  his 
pony  between  himself  and  the  savages,  and,  by  keep- 
ing his  revolver  pointed  in  their  direction,  show- 
ing them  that  he  was  armed.  After  maneuvering 
around  him  for  a  time,  the  Indians  passed  on, 
apparently  convinced  that  some  of  them  would 
get  hurt  if  they  remained.  It  was  not  their  policy 
to  take  many  chances,  as  was  evidenced  through- 
out their  entire  stay  in  this  region.  They  seldom 
troubled  people  who  seemed  to  offer  any  serious 
resistance,  seeking  rather  defenseless  men,  women, 
and  children.  Soon  after  leaving  Love,  a  few 
of  the  Indians  crossed  Monument  Creek  to  the 
house  of  David  Spielman,  which  stood  on  the  west 
side,  about  half  a  mile  above  the  Mesa  Road 
Bridge  in  the  present  city  of  Colorado  Springs. 
Spielman  had  just  finished  moving  his  family  and 
household  effects  to  Colorado  City,  and  being 


The  Indian  War  of  1868         207 

tired,  had  lain  down  behind  the  open  front  door, 
and  had  gone  to  sleep.  The  Indians  looked  in  at 
the  open  door,  but  fortunately  did  not  see  him. 
They  then  went  to  the  corral  and  took  from  it  a 
horse  that  Spielman  had  purchased  only  the  day 
before.  After  that  they  recrossed  Monument 
Creek  and  joined  the  main  body,  which  continued 
rapidly  along  the  low  ground  east  of  the  creek, 
crossing  the  present  Washburn  Athletic  Field,  on 
the  way,  and  coming  out  on  to  the  higher  ground 
a  few  hundred  yards  south  of  Cutler  Academy, 
near  where  the  Hagerman  residence  now  stands. 

A  short  time  previously,  Charley  Everhart,  a 
young  man  about  eighteen  years  of  age,  had 
started  from  his  home  just  west  of  Monument 
Creek  and  near  the  present  railway  bridge  above 
the  Rio  Grande  station,  to  look  after  his  father's 
cattle,  that  were  grazing  on  the  plain  now  covered 
by  the  city  of  Colorado  Springs.  After  crossing 
Monument  Creek,  he  followed  a  trail  that  led 
eastward  along  the  south  rim  of  the  high  bank 
north  of  what  is  now  known  as  Boulder  Crescent. 
Everhart  knew  there  were  Indians  in  the  country, 
and  was  no  doubt  on  the  lookout  for  them.  He 
was  mounted  on  a  small  pony,  and  had  probably 
gone  as  far  east  as  the  present  location  of  Tejon 
Street,  when  he  evidently  saw  the  Indians  as  they 


208         The  Indian  War  of  1868 

came  out  into  open  view  to  the  north  of  him.  He 
at  once  turned  his  pony  toward  home  and  urged 
it  to  its  highest  speed,  making  a  desperate  effort 
to  escape  from  the  savages;  but  his  horse  was  no 
match  for  those  of  the  Indians,  and  they  soon 
overtook  him.  Everhart  had  reached  a  point 
near  the  intersection  of  what  is  now  Platte  and 
Cascade  Avenues,  when  a  shot  from  one  of  the 
savages  caused  him  to  fall  from  his  horse.  One  of 
the  Indians  then  came  up  to  him,  ran  a  spear 
through  his  body,  and  scalped  him,  taking  all  the 
hair  from  his  head  except  a  small  fringe  around 
the  back  part.  The  whole  occurrence  was  witnes- 
sed from  a  distance  by  several  persons.  An  hour 
or  so  afterward,  when  the  Indians  had  gone  and  it 
was  safe  to  do  so,  a  party  went  out  to  where  his 
mutilated  body  lay,  and  brought  it  to  Colorado 
City. 

After  killing  Everhart,  the  Indians  saw  farther 
down  the  valley,  a  quarter  of  a  mile  or  so  away,  a 
lone  sheep  herder,  who  was  generally  known  as 
"Judge"  Baldwin,  and  the  whole  band  immedi- 
ately started  after  him.  When  Baldwin  saw  the 
Indians  coming,  he  tried  to  escape.  Having  no 
spurs  or  whip,  he  took  off  one  of  his  long-legged 
boots  and  used  it  to  urge  his  mount  to  its  utmost 
speed.  This,  however,  was  ineffectual,  as  his 


The  Indian  War  of  1868         209 

horse  was  inferior  to  those  of  the  Indians,  and 
they  had  no  difficulty  in  overtaking  him  before 
he  had  gone  very  far.  They  shot  him,  and  he 
fell  from  his  horse  near  the  site  of  the  present 
Fourth  Ward  Schoolhouse.  The  bullet  struck 
Baldwin  in  the  shoulder,  and  as  he  was  leaning 
forward  at  the  time,  it  passed  upward  through  his 
neck  and  came  out  through  the  jaw.  He  dropped 
from  his  horse  completely  dazed,  but  in  his  deli- 
rium he  used  the  boot  to  fight  off  the  Indians.  The 
latter  evidently  thought  the  wound  mortal,  so  with- 
out wasting  any  more  ammunition  upon  him  one 
of  their  number  proceeded  to  take  his  scalp.  The 
savage  ran  the  knife  around  the  back  part  of 
Baldwin's  head,  severing  the  scalp  from  the  skull, 
and  then  discovered  that  he  had  been  scalped  at 
some  previous  time.  For  some  reason,  probably 
superstition  of  some  kind,  the  Indians  then  aban- 
doned the  idea  of  scalping  him,  and  the  entire  band 
rode  off,  leaving  their  victim,  as  they  supposed, 
to  die  on  the  prairie.  It  was  a  fact  that  Baldwin 
had  been  scalped  by  Indians  in  South  America 
some  years  before. 

After  leaving  Baldwin,  the  Indians  divided  into 

two  bands,  one  of  which  went  in  a  northeasterly 

direction  and  crossed  Shooks  Run  near  the  point 

where   Platte   Avenue   now  intersects  it.     Near 

14 


210         The  Indian  War  of  1868 

this  place  they  were  joined  by  other  Indians  who 
had  evidently  been  in  concealment  near  by.  It 
is  said  that  during  all  this  time  two  or  three 
Indians  stationed  on  the  hill  where  the  Deaf  and 
Blind  Institute  is  now  located,  apparently  by  the 
use  of  flags,  directed  the  movements  of  those 
doing  the  killing,  wigwagging  in  a  manner  similar 
to  that  in  use  in  the  army  at  that  time,  and  that 
these  signal  men  fell  in  with  the  others  as  they 
came  along;  after  which  they  all  rode  rapidly  to 
the  eastward  and  soon  disappeared  on  the  plains. 
The  other  party  continued  down  the  valley  of  the 
Fountain,  and  at  a  point  just  below  where  the  Rio 
Grande  bridge  now  crosses  Shooks  Run,  they  came 
upon  two  small  boys,  the  sons  of  Thomas  H.  Rob- 
bins,  who  lived  on  the  south  side  of  the  Fountain, 
not  far  away.  These  two  boys,  eight  and  ten 
years  of  age  respectively,  were  looking  after  their 
father's  cattle.  They  had  evidently  seen  the 
Indians  coming  when  some  distance  away,  as  they 
were  using  every  possible  endeavor  to  escape; 
but  they  had  not  gone  far  when  the  savages  were 
upon  them.  It  is  said  that  one  of  the  boys  fell 
upon  his  knees  and  lifted  up  his  hands,  as  though 
begging  the  Indians  to  spare  his  life,  but  the 
savages  never  heeded  such  appeals.  Two  Indians 
reached  down,  each  seized  a  boy  by  the  hair,  held 


The  Indian  War  of  1868         211 

him  up  with  one  hand,  and,  using  a  revolver,  shot 
him  with  the  other  and  then  flung  the  quivering, 
lifeless  body  to  the  ground. 

The  savages  then  continued  rapidly  down  along 
the  edge  of  the  bluffs,  to  the  north  of  Fountain 
Creek,  and  when  at  the  south  side  of  the  present 
Evergreen  Cemetery,  attempted  to  capture  some 
horses  at  the  Innis  ranch,  in  the  valley  a  short 
distance  away,  but  the  presence  of  a  number  of 
armed  men  there  caused  them  to  desist  after  two 
or  three  futile  dashes  in  that  direction.  Half 
a  mile  below  this  point,  they  met  Solon  Mason,  a 
ranchman  from  the  lower  end  of  the  county, 
accompanied  by  two  or  three  other  men.  These 
men  were  all  armed  and,  after  two  or  three  shots 
were  exchanged,  the  Indians  gave  them  a  wide 
berth.  At  a  ranch  just  below,  occupied  by  George 
Banning,  the  Indians  secured  a  few  horses,  after 
which  they  struck  out  over  the  plains  to  join  the 
other  band. 

As  I  have  already  said,  armed  parties  were 
going  out  every  day  from  Colorado  City  to  harvest 
the  grain  that  had  been  ripe  for  some  time.  On 
that  morning,  I  had  joined  a  group  that  was  to 
assist  Bert  Myers,  a  merchant  of  Colorado  City, 
in  harvesting  a  field  of  wheat  on  land  now  occu- 
pied by  the  town  of  Broadmoor.  I  was  binding 


212         The  Indian  War  of  1868 

wheat  behind  a  reaper,  at  a  point  not  very  far 
from  the  present  Country  Club  buildings,  when, 
about  two  o'clock  in  the  afternoon,  I  saw  a  horse- 
man coming  from  the  east  riding  furiously  in  our 
direction.  When  he  reached  us  we  found  that  it 
was  a  Mr.  Riggs,  who  lived  near  the  mouth  of 
Cheyenne  Creek.  He  told  us  that  the  Indians 
were  raiding  the  settlements  in  every  direction, 
and  were  killing  people,  mentioning  of  his  own 
knowledge  Everhart,  Baldwin,  and  the  Robbins 
boys,  and  he  thought  a  good  many  more ;  and  also 
had  run  off  a  large  number  of  horses.  My  first 
thought  was  that  the  Indians  had  come  in  during 
the  previous  night,  concealed  themselves  in  the 
underbrush  along  the  creeks,  and  taken  advan- 
tage of  the  time  when  most  of  the  men  were  out 
in  the  fields,  to  attack,  rob,  and  murder.  I  knew 
such  a  thing  was  possible,  as  there  was  no  one 
living  between  our  settlement  and  the  Indian 
country  to  give  us  notice  of  the  approach  of  a 
hostile  band.  It  then  occurred  to  me  that  my 
three  small  brothers,  Edgar,  Frank,  and  Charles, 
were  looking  after  our  cattle  near  the  mouth  of 
Bear  Creek,  and  certainly  were  in  great  danger, 
if  indeed  they  had  not  already  been  killed.  I 
immediately  secured  permission  to  take  one  of  the 
horses  from  the  reaper,  in  order  to  ride  in  search 


The  Indian  War  of  1868         213 

of  the  boys.  I  quickly  stripped  off  all  the  harness 
except  the  blind  bridle,  mounted  the  horse,  and 
tore  away  in  the  direction  of  Bear  Creek.  As  a 
matter  of  precaution,  I  had  taken  a  revolver 
with  me  to  the  harvest-field  as  at  this  time  few 
went  out  unarmed.  After  a  ride  at  top  speed, 
I  met  the  boys  about  three-quarters  of  a  mile 
south  of  Bear  Creek. 

My  brothers  told  me  that  while  eating  their 
luncheon  in  the  milk  house  near  our  dwelling  on 
Bear  Creek,  they  were  alarmed  by  the  excited 
barking  of  their  dog.  They  ran  out  to  see  what 
was  the  matter,  and,  looking  across  on  the  present 
site  of  Colorado  Springs,  saw  a  group  of  horsemen 
whom  they  immediately  knew  to  be  Indians, 
pursuing  another  horseman,  whom  they  at  once 
conjectured  was  Charley  Everhart.  A  moment 
later  the  band  seemed  to  be  grouped  around  some 
object,  which  doubtless  was  the  time  when  the 
Indians  were  scalping  young  Everhart.  The 
boys  witnessed  the  savages  race  down  over  the 
flat  in  their  pursuit  of  Baldwin,  and  while  this 
was  in  progress,  they  counted  the  horsemen  and 
found  that  there  were  thirty -five  in  the  band. 
The  boys  then  ran  up  the  hill  to  the  east  of  the 
house,  heard  the  shot,  and  witnessed  what  I  have 
already  described  concerning  the  shooting  of  Bald- 


214         The  Indian  War  of  1868 

win.  They  then  saw  the  band  divide,  one  party 
going  out  on  the  plains  and  the  other  down  the 
creek.  Becoming  alarmed  for  their  own  safety, 
they  had  started  to  run  to  some  of  the  neighbors 
on  Cheyenne  Creek,  when  I  met  them.  As  soon 
as  I  had  heard  their  story,  which  assured  me  that 
the  Indians  had  gone  off  to  the  east  and  that  there 
was  no  immediate  danger  to  the  boys,  I  rode  back 
to  the  harvest-field  where  we  had  abandoned  the 
reaper,  hitched  to  the  wagon,  and  drove  to  town. 
Later  in  the  afternoon,  the  Robbins  family,  whose 
two  boys  had  been  killed,  as  I  have  related,  came 
by  our  Bear  Creek  ranch  on  their  way  to  Colorado 
City,  and  took  my  brothers  to  town  with  them. 
By  the  time  we  reached  Colorado  City,  the  bodies 
of  Everhart  and  the  two  Robbins  boys  had  been 
brought  in.  The  party  that  went  after  Baldwin 
found  him  alive,  but  supposed  him  to  be  mortally 
wounded.  It  was  thought  that  he  could  not 
possibly  live  more  than  a  day  or  two  at  most,  but, 
to  the  surprise  of  everybody,  in  a  short  time  he 
began  to  recover  and  in  a  month  or  so  was  ap- 
parently well  again. 

Of  course,  the  excitement  in  Colorado  City  and 
throughout  the  county  was  intense.  We  knew 
that  the  Territorial  authorities  were  unable  to 
give  us  any  help  whatsoever,  and  that  the  general 


The  Indian  War  of  1868         215 

Government  had  turned  a  deaf  ear  to  our  appeals 
for  protection.  Consequently,  we  realized  that 
we  must  again,  as  in  1864,  rely  solely  upon  our- 
selves. In  this  emergency  we  repaired  the  old 
fort  around  the  log  hotel,  and  organized  our 
forces  to  the  best  possible  advantage,  in  order  to 
be  prepared  for  any  further  attacks  that  the 
Indians  might  make.  Only  a  few  hours  after  the 
raid,  a  messenger  came  in  from  Bijou  Basin, 
asking  that  men  be  sent  to  the  relief  of  the  Simp- 
son party,  which  was  surrounded  by  Indians 
near  that  point,  as  I  have  already  told.  After 
consideration  of  the  matter,  it  was  decided  that 
our  force  was  strong  enough  to  spare  a  few  men 
for  that  purpose.  Accordingly,  that  night  ten 
of  us  volunteered  to  go  to  the  assistance  of  the 
besieged.  For  this  expedition  a  Mr.  Hall,  who 
lived  on  what  has  since  been  known  as  the  Pope 
ranch,  loaned  me  an  excellent  horse  and  a  Colt's 
rifle,  a  kind  of  gun  I  had  never  seen  before  nor 
have  I  seen  one  like  it  since.  It  was  a  gun  built 
exactly  on  the  principle  of  a  Colt's  revolver,  the 
only  trouble  with  it  being  that  one  never  knew 
just  how  many  shots  would  go  off  at  once. 

Early  the  following  morning  we  started  out, 
following  up  Monument  Creek  to  the  mouth  of 
Cotton  wood;  thence  up  that  creek  over  the  ground 


2i6          The  Indian  War  of  1868 

where  Teachout's  herd  of  horses  had  been  cap- 
tured. We  stopped  a  few  minutes  at  the  Neff 
ranch,  which  we  found  deserted,  and  then  went 
east  along  the  route  taken  by  the  Indians  when 
running  off  the  Teachout  herd. 

An  hour  later,  while  we  were  riding  along  in  a 
leisurely  manner,  and  had  reached  within  about 
half  a  mile  of  the  pinery,  we  saw  to  our  right  a  band 
of  about  twenty -five  mounted  Indians,  half  a  mile 
away  on  the  south  bank  of  Cotton  wood  Creek. 
We  had  been  so  wrought  up  by  the  murders  of 
the  previous  day,  that  without  a  moment's  hesi- 
tation we  wheeled  about  and  made  for  the  Indians 
as  fast  as  our  horses  could  go.  We  had  no  sooner 
started  than  I  realized  that  we  might  be  running 
into  an  ambuscade,  and  I  warned  our  people  not 
to  cross  the  ravine  at  the  place  where  we  had  first 
seen  the  savages,  but  to  go  on  one  side  or  the 
other;  however,  our  men  were  in  such  a  state  of 
frenzy,  that  they  would  not  listen,  so  we  rushed 
headlong  to  the  bank  of  the  ravine  through  which 
the  creek  ran.  The  bank  was  so  steep  that  we 
had  to  dismount  and  lead  our  horses.  Fortu- 
nately for  us,  there  were  no  Indians  at  that 
moment  at  the  point  where  we  were  crossing  the 
ravine,  but  we  had  not  gone  a  quarter  of  a  mile 
before  a  mounted  Indian  appeared  on  the  bank, 


The  Indian  War  of  1868         217 

almost  at  that  identical  place,  and  probably  there 
were  others  hidden  near  the  same  point. 

As  soon  as  the  Indians  on  the  south  bank  saw  us 
coming,  they  started  on  the  run  in  a  southeasterly 
direction,  and,  when  some  distance  away,  gradually 
turned  to  the  eastward.  By  this  time  our  party 
began  to  think  a  little  of  the  desirability  of  keeping 
a  way  of  retreat  open,  in  case  of  defeat  in  the 
expected  engagement.  For  that  reason,  we  veered 
a  little  to  the  right,  and  kept  on  until  we  were 
directly  between  them  and  Colorado  City.  By 
this  time,  the  Indians  had  dismounted  on  a  large 
open  flat,  about  three-quarters  of  a  mile  to  the 
eastward  of  us,  and,  forming  a  circle  with  their 
ponies,  seemed  to  be  awaiting  our  attack.  We 
could  see  their  guns  flashing  in  the  sunshine,  and 
while  we  were  surprised  at  this  movement,  so 
contrary  to  the  usual  custom  of  the  Indians,  we 
did  not  hesitate  a  moment,  but  started  toward 
them  as  fast  as  our  ponies  could  take  us.  Evi- 
dently changing  their  minds  upon  seeing  this,  the 
Indians  remounted  and  started  in  the  direction 
of  the  pinery  as  rapidly  as  they  could  go.  Their 
horses  were  better  and  fleeter  than  ours,  so  we 
were  unable  to  head  them  off,  and  when  they 
entered  the  edge  of  the  timber  we  knew  it  would 
only  be  inviting  disaster  to  follow  farther.  We 


218         The  Indian  War  of  1868 

then  resumed  our  march  in  the  direction  of  Bijou 
Basin.  An  hour  or  two  later,  we  went  by  the 
extreme  eastern  edge  of  the  pinery,  at  the  point 
where  the  old  government  road  crossed  Squirrel 
Creek.  Here,  judging  by  the  great  number  of 
fresh  pony  tracks,  a  large  number  of  Indians  must 
have  passed  only  a  short  time  previously.  After 
a  short  rest  at  this  point,  we  rode  steadily  on  and 
reached  Bijou  Basin  that  evening  just  before 
dark.  On  our  arrival,  we  found  that  the  besieged 
party  had  come  in  the  day  before,  and  that  all  the 
men,  except  the  wounded,  had  returned  to  their 
homes.  The  wounded  were  being  cared  for  at 
Mr.  D.  M.  Holden's  ranch.  There  being  nothing 
further  for  us  to  do,  we  started  for  home  early  the 
following  morning.  Upon  our  way,  we  found  many 
Indian  pony  tracks  at  various  places  along  the 
eastern  and  southern  edge  of  the  pinery,  showing 
that  the  Indians  were  still  around  in  considerable 
numbers,  but  we  saw  none  during  the  day.  After 
leaving  the  pinery,  we  followed  the  wagon  road 
that  came  down  through  what  is  now  known  as  the 
Garden  Ranch.  As  we  came  down  the  hill,  two 
or  three  miles  to  the  northeast  of  the  ranch  houses, 
we  noticed  a  number  of  horsemen  congregated 
near  that  point.  From  their  actions  we  knew 
that  they  were  very  much  excited,  and  evidently 


The  Indian  War  of  1868         219 

mistook  us  for  a  band  of  Indians.  They  gathered 
around  some  tall  rocks  a  little  way  to  the  eastward 
of  the  gateway,  and  seemed  to  be  preparing  for 
defense.  We  tried  by  signaling  and  otherwise  to 
make  ourselves  known  to  them,  but  were  unsuc- 
cessful until  we  were  almost  within  gun-shot  dis- 
tance. They  were  greatly  relieved  when  they 
ascertained  who  we  were.  We  then  joined  them 
and  reached  Colorado  City  without  further  in- 
cident. 

Events  of  a  similar  character  were  of  almost 
daily  occurrence  while  the  Indians  remained  in 
this  region.  Every  animal  on  a  distant  hill 
became  an  Indian  horseman  to  the  excited  im- 
agination of  the  ranchman  or  cowboy,  and  without 
further  investigation  he  rushed  off  to  town  to 
give  the  alarm.  No  lone  man  on  horseback 
allowed  another  horseman  to  approach  him  with- 
out preparing  for  defense,  and  every  object  at  a 
distance  that  was  not  clearly  distinguishable  was 
viewed  with  alarm. 

For  two  weeks  following  the  raid  upon  the  pres- 
ent town-site  of  Colorado  Springs,  the  Indians 
had  virtual  possession  of  the  northern  and  eastern 
portions  of  the  county.  During  this  time  they 
raided  Gill's  ranch,  east  of  Jimmy's  Camp,  and 
ran  off  his  herd  of  horses,  taking  them  out  of  the 


220          The  Indian  War  of  1868 

corral  near  his  house  in  the  night,  although  the 
horses  were  being  guarded  by  armed  men.  It 
appears  that  the  Indians  stole  up  to  the  corral  on 
the  opposite  side  from  where  the  guards  were 
posted,  made  an  opening  in  it,  let  the  horses  out, 
and  were  off  with  them  before  the  men  realized 
what  was  going  on. 

About  the  same  time,  the  Indians  killed  a 
demented  man  named  Jonathan  Lincoln,  at  the 
Lincoln  ranch  in  Spring  Valley  on  Cherry  Creek, 
just  north  of  the  El  Paso  County  line.  Lincoln 
and  a  Mexican  were  out  in  the  harvest-field  binding 
oats  when  they  saw  the  Indians  approaching. 
The  Mexican  saved  himself  by  flight,  but  Lincoln 
folded  his  arms  and  calmly  awaited  the  coming 
of  the  savages.  Without  hesitation  they  killed 
him,  took  his  scalp,  and  departed  again  into  the 
recesses  of  the  adjacent  pinery.  They  also  killed 
John  Choteau,  on  east  Cherry  Creek,  John  Grief 
and  Jonathan  Tallman  on  east  Bijou,  and  raided 
the  John  Russell  ranch  at  the  head  of  East  Cherry 
Creek,  from  which  place  they  ran  off  sixteen  horses. 

About  this  time,  a  small  band  of  Indians,  while 
prowling  around  near  the  town  of  Monument, 
threatened  the  house  of  David  McShane  at  a 
time  when  all  the  men  were  away,  Mrs.  McShane 
and  some  neighboring  women  and  children  being 


The  Indian  War  of  1868         221 

the  only  occupants.  Having  the  true  pioneer 
spirit,  the  women,  under  the  leadership  of  Mrs. 
McShane,  put  up  such  a  strong  show  of  defense 
that  the  savages  abandoned  the  attack  in  short 
order,  apparently  glad  to  get  away  unharmed. 
Soon  after,  they  burned  Henry  Walker's  house, 
which  stood  about  a  mile  east  of  the  present  Husted 
station  on  the  Denver  and  Rio  Grande  Railroad. 

The  Indians  seemed  to  have  established  a  camp 
at  some  secluded  place  in  the  timber  of  the  Divide, 
from  which  they  went  out  in  small  parties  in  every 
direction,  killing  and  robbing  when  opportunity  of- 
fered. Every  day  during  these  two  weeks,  Indians 
were  seen  at  various  places  on  the  Divide  and  the 
eastern  part  of  the  county.  By  this  time,  how- 
ever, our  people  had  taken  their  families  out  of 
danger  and  were  so  constantly  on  the  alert  that 
the  Indians,  while  having  many  opportunities 
for  looting  and  robbing  the  deserted  ranches,  had 
few  chances  for  surprising  and  killing  defenseless 
people,  who  were  the  only  ones  they  cared  to 
attack.  Throughout  the  raid,  those  who  had  been 
able  to  make  any  kind  of  a  defense  had  been  let 
alone.  The  Indians  seemed  unwilling  to  take 
any  chances  or  to  waste  their  ammunition,  unless 
they  were  certain  of  results. 

A  week  or  two  after  the  beginning  of  the  Indian 


222          The  Indian  War  of  1868 

troubles,  the  people  of  El  Paso  County  took  steps 
to  form  a  military  company  to  be  regularly 
employed  against  the  Indians,  its  members  to 
serve  without  pay.  It  was  the  intention  to  keep 
this  company  in  the  field  until  the  Indians  were 
driven  out  of  the  region.  About  the  fifteenth  of 
September,  eighty  mounted  and  well-armed  men, 
who  had  enlisted  for  the  purpose,  and  of  whom  I 
was  one,  met  at  Husted's  saw- mill  on  the  Divide 
and  perfected  a  military  organization  by  the 
election  of  the  usual  company  officers,  A.  J. 
Templeton  being  elected  captain.  The  company 
took  up  its  line  of  march  through  the  pinery  to 
Bijou  Basin;  thence  eastward  past  the  place  where 
Simpson's  party  had  been  besieged  two  or  three 
weeks  before.  After  examining  with  much  inter- 
est the  scene  of  this  fight,  we  went  southeasterly 
to  Big  Sandy  Creek,  thence  down  the  valley  of  that 
creek  to  Lake  Station  on  the  Smoky  Hill  wagon 
road,  about  ten  miles  east  of  the  present  town  of 
Limon.  On  our  march  we  saw  no  Indians,  and, 
judging  from  their  trails  and  from  other  indica- 
tions, we  decided  that  they  were  leaving  the  coun- 
try. As  we  marched  down  the  valley  of  the  Big 
Sandy,  in  the  vicinity  of  the  present  towns  of 
Ramah  and  Calhan,  we  saw  hundreds  of  dead 
cattle,  most  of  them  cows  that  had  been  killed  by 


The  Indian  War  of  1868         223 

the  Indians  only  a  day  or  two  before.  That  these 
cattle  had  been  wantonly  killed,  was  shown  by  the 
fact  that  no  part  of  the  animals  had  been  taken 
for  food.  In  almost  every  instance  they  had  been 
shot  with  arrows,  many  of  which  were  at  the  time 
sticking  in  the  carcasses.  Besides  the  dead  cattle, 
we  saw  hundreds  of  live  ones  scattered  all  over  the 
hills  and  down  the  valley,  which  had  evidently 
been  driven  off  by  the  Indians  from  the  ranches  in 
El  Paso  and  the  surrounding  counties.  At  a  point 
about  ten  miles  down  the  valley  from  the  present 
station  of  Limon,  on  the  Rock  Island  Railway,  the 
trail  of  the  Indians  left  the  valley  and  turned 
northeastward.  At  this  place  we  were  about 
seventy-five  miles  southwest  from  the  Beecher 
Island  battle  ground,  on  the  Arickaree  fork  of 
the  Republican  River,  where  Colonel  George  A. 
Porsyth  and  his  fifty  followers  were  at  that  very 
time  making  their  heroic  defense  against  an  over- 
whelming number  of  Indians  under  the  command 
of  the  famous  chief  Roman  Nose,  although  we 
knew  nothing  of  the  affair  until  some  time  later. 
The  trail  of  the  Indians  led  across  the  country  in 
a  direct  line  toward  the  battle  ground.  No  doubt 
they  had  been  summoned  by  runners  to  aid  their 
people,  and  probably  this  was  the  reason  for  their 
leaving  El  Paso  County. 


224          The  Indian  War  of  1868 

Upon  discovering  the  course  taken  by  the 
Indians,  Captain  Templeton,  on  account  of  his 
small  force,  deemed  it  imprudent  to  pursue  them 
farther.  An  additional  reason  for  facing  about 
was  that  our  supply  of  provisions  was  about 
exhausted,  and  had  we  gone  farther  we  should 
have  had  to  subsist  on  the  wild  game  of  the  region, 
which  would  have  been  a  risky  thing  to  attempt. 
As  it  was,  on  our  way  homeward  we  had  to  live 
entirely  on  the  meat  of  cattle  we  killed.  Having 
no  camp  outfit,  we  broiled  the  meat  on  sticks 
before  our  camp  fires  and  then  ate  it  without 
salt.  To  me  this  fare  was  about  the  nearest  to 
a  starvation  diet  that  I  have  ever  experienced. 
We  reached  Colorado  City  in  due  time,  with- 
out having  seen  an  Indian  during  our  whole 
campaign.  Whether  we  were  the  cause  of  the 
Indians  leaving  this  region,  or  whether  it  was  a 
coincidence  that  they  were  just  ahead  of  us,  I  do 
not  know,  but  it  was  evident  that  the  Indians  were 
gone,  and  on  account  of  approaching  winter  we 
had  little  to  fear  from  them  during  the  remainder 
of  the  year.  There  apparently  being  no  further 
use  for  its  services,  the  company  was  disbanded. 

It  had  been  a  strenuous  period  for  the  settlers 
from  the  first  appearance  of  the  Indians  about  the 
2Oth  of  August  until  this  time.  At  least  a  dozen 


The  Indian  War  of  1868          225 

persons  had  been  killed  in  El  Paso  County  and  the 
country  adjacent  thereto  on  the  Divide.  Many 
houses  had  been  destroyed;  crops  had  been  lost 
through  inability  to  harvest  the  grain;  probably 
five  hundred  horses  and  at  least  one  thousand  head 
of  cattle  had  been  driven  off,  making  an  aggregate 
loss  of  property  that  was  extremely  heavy  for  a 
sparsely  populated  county  such  as  El  Paso  was  at 
that  time.  The  contest  was  an  unequal  one  from 
the  start.  The  settlers  were  armed  with  a  mis- 
cellaneous lot  of  guns,  most  of  which  were  muzzle- 
loading  hunting  rifles,  while  the  Indians  were 
armed  with  breech-loading  guns  using  metal 
cartridges.  Fortunately  for  the  settlers,  the 
ammunition  of  the  Indians  was  of  a  poor  quality, 
as  was  proved  in  the  fight  east  of  Bijou  Basin  and 
elsewhere,  and,  judging  by  the  careful  manner  in 
which  they  used  their  ammunition,  it  is  probable 
that  the  supply  was  not  very  large.  This  un- 
doubtedly saved  the  lives  of  many  of  our  people. 
It  was  noticed  from  the  first  that  the  Indians  never 
wasted  their  ammunition  and  seldom  attacked  an 
armed  person. 

During  all  the  time  the  savages  were  going  up 
and  down  the  county  murdering  people,  stealing 
stock,  and  destroying  the  property  of  the  settlers, 
the  general  Government  did  not  make  the  slightest 

15 


226          The  Indian  War  of  1868 

attempt  to  give  our  people  protection,  although 
attention  was  repeatedly  called  to  their  desperate 
condition.  It  is  true  that  a  week  or  two  after 
the  Indian  troubles  began,  the  Territorial  authori- 
ties at  Denver  supplied  our  people  with  a  limited 
number  of  old  Belgian  muskets,  together  with  the 
necessary  ammunition,  but  these  guns  were  so 
much  inferior  to  those  in  the  hands  of  the  Indians, 
that  they  were  of  very  little  use.  With  this  one 
exception,  the  early  settlers  of  this  county  were 
left  entirely  to  their  own  resources  from  the 
beginning  of  the  Indian  troubles,  in  1864,  until  the 
end,  which  did  not  come  until  the  building  of 
the  railroads  into  the  Territory.  Every  appeal  to 
the  general  Government  for  protection  was 
received  either  with  indifference  or  insult. 

In  September,  1866,  General  William  T.  Sher- 
man, Commander-in-Chief  of  the  United  States 
Army,  on  his  way  north  from  an  inspection  of  the 
forts  in  New  Mexico,  accompanied  by  a  large 
number  of  staff  officers  and  a  strong  escort,  stopped 
overnight  in  Colorado  City.  Having  been  in 
constant  danger  from  the  Indians  since  the  begin- 
ning of  the  trouble  in  1864,  our  people  thought 
this  an  opportune  time  to  lay  the  matter  before 
him  and  ask  that  proper  means  of  protection  be 
provided.  My  father,  the  Rev.  Wm.  Howbert, 


The  Indian  War  of  1868         227 

was  appointed  spokesman  of  the  committee  that 
waited  upon  the  General.  In  his  speech,  father 
explained  our  exposed  and  defenseless  condition, 
and  suggested  that  a  force  of  government  troops 
be  permanently  stationed  at  some  point  on  our 
eastern  frontier,  in  order  to  intercept  any  Indians 
that  might  be  attempting  a  raid  upon  the  people 
of  this  region.  General  Sherman  received  the 
appeal  with  utter  indifference,  and  replied  that 
he  thought  we  were  unnecessarily  alarmed;  that 
there  were  no  hostile  Indians  in  the  neighborhood ; 
and  then  sarcastically  remarked  that  it  probably 
would  be  a  very  profitable  thing  for  the  people 
of  this  region  if  we  could  have  a  force  of  govern- 
ment troops  located  near  here,  to  whom  our 
farmers  might  sell  their  grain  and  agricultural 
products  at  a  high  price.  With  this  remark  he 
dismissed  the  committee,  the  members  of  which 
left  the  room  very  indignant  at  the  manner  in 
which  their  appeal  had  been  received.  Later  in 
the  year,  General  Sherman  evidently  was  of  the 
opinion  that  there  were  hostile  Indians  in  the 
western  country  and  that  they  needed  severe 
punishment,  for  after  the  massacre  of  Lieut. -Col. 
Fetterman  and  his  entire  command  near  Fort 
Phil  Kearny,  Wyoming,  he  telegraphed  General 
Grant,  saying:  "We  must  act  with  vindictive 


228          The  Indian  War  of  1868 

earnestness  against  the  Sioux,  even  to  their 
extermination,  men,  women,  and  children ;  nothing 
else  will  reach  the  root  of  the  case." 

Two  years  later,  in  1868,  the  General  came  to 
Denver  along  the  line  of  the  Kansas- Pacific  Rail- 
way, at  that  time  under  construction,  and  was  glad 
to  have  a  strong  escort  to  guard  him  through  the 
region  of  the  hostile  Indians.  Following  this  trip, 
he  made  a  strenuous  effort  to  punish  the  savages 
elsewhere,  but  apparently  made  no  attempt  to 
protect  the  settlers  on  the  eastern  borders  of 
Colorado. 

I  venture  to  say  that  no  civilized  nation  ever 
gave  less  attention  to  protecting  its  frontier  people 
from  the  incursion  of  savages  than  did  our  general 
Government.  It  was  always  a  question  of  the  in- 
fluence that  could  be  brought  to  bear  upon  the 
government  officials  at  Washington.  After  the 
outbreak  of  the  Indians  in  Minnesota,  in  1862, 
the  Government  took  prompt  measures  and 
punished  the  savages  unmercifully.  However, 
this  was  due  to  the  fact  that  Minnesota  at  that 
time  had  two  Senators  and  several  members  of 
Congress  who  were  able  to  bring  the  necessary 
influence  to  bear.  During  all  of  our  Indian 
troubles,  Colorado  had  only  one  delegate  in  Con- 
gress, who  had  no  vote  and  very  little  influence. 


The  Indian  War  of  1868         229 

Consequently,  we  were  left  to  protect  ourselves 
as  best  we  could. 

The  whole  eastern  frontier  of  El  Paso  County 
faced  upon  the  territory  occupied  by  the  Sioux, 
Cheyennes,  and  Arapahoes,  the  most  crafty  and 
bloodthirsty  savages  upon  the  American  conti- 
nent. There  were  at  all  times  bands  of  these 
Indians  roaming  around  on  the  headwaters  of 
the  Republican  and  Smoky  Hill  rivers,  and  it  was 
easy  for  them  to  reach  the  settlements  of  this 
county  without  being  observed.  Considering 
these  facts,  it  now  seems  a  wonder  that  we  were 
not  wiped  off  the  face  of  the  earth.  Doubtless, 
as  I  have  said  before,  the  reason  that  we  were 
not  exterminated  was  the  fact  of  our  contiguity 
to  the  country  of  their  hereditary  enemies,  the 
Utes,  for  whom,  on  account  of  their  fighting  ability, 
they  had  a  wholesome  respect. 

During  the  Indian  troubles,  a  few  settlers  left 
the  county  and  sought  places  of  safety  elsewhere, 
but  the  great  majority  of  our  people  pluckily 
stood  their  ground.  The  ranchmen  who  had 
brought  their  families  to  Colorado  City  for  pro- 
tection left  them  there  until  the  trouble  was  over, 
but  went  to  their  homes  as  often  as  they  could  get 
two  or  three  armed  men  to  accompany  them,  to 
harvest  their  grain  and  take  care  of  their  stock. 


230         The  Indian  War  of  1868 

Every  time  they  did  this,  it  was  at  the  risk  of  their 
lives,  for  no  one  could  tell  when  or  where  the 
savages  might  next  appear.  The  people  who  now 
live  in  the  cities  and  on  the  ranches  of  El  Paso 
County  can  have  no  true  conception  of  the  dangers 
and  the  anxieties  of  the  early  settlers  of  the  Pike's 
Peak  region.  As  soon  as  it  was  definitely  known 
that  the  Indians  had  left  the  county,  most  of  the 
ranchmen  moved  their  families  back  to  their 
homes.  From  previous  experience  it  was  known 
that,  as  winter  was  coming  on,  there  was  little 
danger  to  be  apprehended  until  the  following 
spring. 

By  the  spring  of  1869,  the  Government,  in  a 
winter  campaign  with  troops  under  the  command 
of  General  Custer,  had  administered  such  severe 
punishment  to  the  Cheyennes  and  Arapahoes  in 
the  battle  of  Washita  and  in  other  engagements 
that  thereafter  the  people  of  El  Paso  County 
were  unmolested  by  them,  although  spasmodic 
outbreaks  occurred  at  various  places  out  on  the 
plains  for  several  years  afterward. 

THE   END 


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